| spacy_nes | stanfordnlp_pos | truecasing |
| Historians argue That in the early cold war an interdisciplinary research culture defined the rand corporation. However, a significant epistemological gap divided the members of Rand's social science division (ssd) from the rest of the organization. While the social scientists used qualitative methods, most rand researchers embraced quantified approaches and derided the social sciences As unscientific. This encouraged rand's social scientists to develop a political-military simulation that embraced everything-politics, culture, and psychology-that rand's other analysts largely ignored. Yet the fact that the ssd embraced gaming, a heuristic practiced throughout rand, suggests That the political simulation was nonetheless inspired by social scientists' engagement with their colleagues. This indicates that the concept of interdisciplinarity should move beyond its implication of collaboration to incorporate instances in which research agendas are defined against but also shaped by colleagues in other disciplines. Such a rethinking of the term may make it possible to trace how varieties of interdisciplinary interaction historically informed knowledge production. | Historians argue That in the early cold war an interdisciplinary research culture defined the Rand corporation. However, a significant epistemological gap divided the members of Rand's social science division (ssd) from the rest of the organization. While the social scientists used qualitative methods, most rand researchers embraced quantified approaches and derided the social sciences As unscientific. This encouraged Rand's social scientists to develop a political-military simulation that embraced everything-politics, culture, and psychology-that Rand's other analysts largely ignored. Yet the fact that the ssd embraced gaming, a heuristic practiced throughout Rand, suggests That the political simulation was nonetheless inspired by social scientists' engagement with their colleagues. This indicates that the concept of interdisciplinarity should move beyond its implication of collaboration to incorporate instances in which research agendas are defined against but also shaped by colleagues in other disciplines. Such a rethinking of the term may make it possible to trace how varieties of interdisciplinary interaction historically informed knowledge production. | Historians argue that in the early cold war an Interdisciplinary research culture defined the rand corporation. However, a significant Epistemological gap divided the members of rand's social science division (Ssd) from the rest of the organization. While the social scientists used qualitative methods, most rand researchers embraced quantified approaches and Derided the social sciences as unscientific. This encouraged rand's social scientists to develop a Political-Military simulation that embraced Everything-Politics, culture, and Psychology-That rand's other analysts largely ignored. Yet the fact that the Ssd embraced gaming, a Heuristic practiced throughout rand, suggests that the political simulation was nonetheless inspired by social scientists' engagement with their colleagues. This indicates that the concept of Interdisciplinarity should move beyond its implication of collaboration to incorporate instances in which research Agendas are defined against but also shaped by colleagues in other disciplines. such a Rethinking of the term may make it possible to trace how varieties of Interdisciplinary interaction historically informed knowledge production. |
| This study aims at comparing operational codes (namely, philosophical and instrumental beliefs about the political universe) of political leaders from different cultures. According to schwartz (2004), cultures can be categorised into 3 dimensions: Autonomy-embeddedness, egalitarianism-hierarchy and mastery-harmony. This study draws upon the 1st dimension (akin to the most popular cultural dimension of Hofstede: Individualism-collectivism) and focuses on comparing the leaders of autonomous and embedded cultures based on how cooperative/conflictual They are. The main research hypothesis is as follows: The leaders of embedded cultures would be more cooperative than the leaders of autonomous cultures. For this purpose, 3 autonomous cultures (the Uk, Canada and Australia) and embedded cultures (Singapore, South Africa and Malaysia) cultures were chosen randomly and the cooperativeness of the correspondent countries' leaders were compared after being profiled by profiler plus. The results indicated that the leaders of embedded cultures were significantly more cooperative than autonomous cultures after holding the control variables constant. The findings were discussed in the light of relevant literature. | This study aims at comparing operational codes (namely, philosophical and instrumental beliefs about the political universe) of political leaders from different cultures. According to Schwartz (2004), cultures can be categorised into 3 dimensions: Autonomy-embeddedness, egalitarianism-hierarchy and mastery-harmony. This study draws upon the 1st dimension (akin to the most popular cultural dimension of hofstede: Individualism-collectivism) and focuses on comparing the leaders of autonomous and embedded cultures based on how cooperative/conflictual They are. The main research hypothesis is as follows: The leaders of embedded cultures would be more cooperative than the leaders of autonomous cultures. For this purpose, 3 autonomous cultures (the Uk, Canada and Australia) and embedded cultures (Singapore, South Africa and Malaysia) cultures were chosen randomly and the cooperativeness of the correspondent countries' leaders were compared after being profiled by profiler plus. The results indicated that the leaders of embedded cultures were significantly more cooperative than autonomous cultures after holding the control variables constant. The findings were discussed in the light of relevant literature. | This study aims at comparing operational codes (namely, philosophical and instrumental beliefs about the political universe) of political leaders from different cultures. According to Schwartz (2004), cultures can be categorised into 3 dimensions: Autonomy-Embeddedness, Egalitarianism-Hierarchy and Mastery-Harmony. This study draws upon the 1ST dimension (akin to the most popular cultural dimension of Hofstede: Individualism-Collectivism) and focuses on comparing the leaders of autonomous and embedded cultures based on how Cooperative/Conflictual they are. The main research hypothesis is as follows: the leaders of embedded cultures would be more cooperative than the leaders of autonomous cultures. for this purpose, 3 autonomous cultures (the UK, Canada and Australia) and embedded cultures (Singapore, South Africa and Malaysia) cultures were chosen randomly and the Cooperativeness of the correspondent countries' leaders were compared after being Profiled by Profiler plus. The results indicated that the leaders of embedded cultures were significantly more cooperative than autonomous cultures after holding the control variables constant. The findings were discussed in the light of relevant literature. |
| Throughout Russian history, bouts of political reform have been repeatedly succeeded by reactionary periods of counter-reform. We surmise that this historical alternation Of reform and counter-reform has been driven at least in part by comparisons made by Russians between their own situation and that of their counterparts in the west. Such "relative deprivation" understandings of political change are nothing new, but we tie the history of impetus for reform in Russia explicitly to fluctuations in economic performance in the capitalist west, as represented by kondratiev waves (k-waves) of expansion and stagnation. We posit that periods of expansion in the west have prompted periods of political reform in Russia, While periods Of stagnation in the west have enabled periods of counter-reform in Russia. Although a direct causal link cannot be drawn, the timing of periods of reform and counter-reform in Russia seems to be consistent with a relative deprivation interpretation. | Throughout russian history, bouts of political reform have been repeatedly succeeded by reactionary periods of counter-reform. We surmise that this historical alternation Of reform and counter-reform has been driven at least in part by comparisons made by Russians between their own situation and that of their counterparts in the west. Such "relative deprivation" understandings of political change are nothing new, but we tie the history of impetus for reform in Russia explicitly to fluctuations in economic performance in the capitalist west, as represented by kondratiev waves (k-waves) of expansion and stagnation. We posit that periods of expansion in the west have prompted periods of political reform in Russia, While periods Of stagnation in the west have enabled periods of counter-reform in Russia. Although a direct causal link cannot be drawn, the timing of periods of reform and counter-reform in Russia seems to be consistent with a relative deprivation interpretation. | Throughout Russian history, bouts of political reform have been repeatedly succeeded by reactionary periods of Counter-Reform. We surmise that this historical alternation of reform and Counter-Reform has been driven at least in part by comparisons made by Russians between their own situation and that of their counterparts in the West. such "relative deprivation" understandings of political change are nothing new, but we tie the history of impetus for reform in Russia explicitly to fluctuations in economic performance in the capitalist West, as represented by Kondratiev waves (K-Waves) of expansion and stagnation. We Posit that periods of expansion in the West have prompted periods of political reform in Russia, while periods of stagnation in the West have enabled periods of Counter-Reform in Russia. Although a direct causal link cannot be drawn, the timing of periods of reform and Counter-Reform in Russia seems to be consistent with a relative deprivation interpretation. |
| Two separate strands of political science literature have reinvigorated the study of culture in international security in recent years through their methodological rigor and empiric accuracy: constructivism and organizational theory. It is important to recognize, though, that these literatures speak to particular roles of culture in strategic studies – and not those roles studied in the strategic culture literature. Indeed, that literature has not been as successful as the other two, suffering from over-determined predictions, empirical failures, and an unresolved debate about epistemology. Thus, there is a perplexing lacuna in the centre of this field: A weak core of cultural analysis in international security coupled with stronger works at the periphery. There are two reasons for this. One the one hand, organizational cultures tend to be more unified Than the myriad strains in all national cultures. On the other, constructivism looks primarily to explain – and less often to predict – identity. Traditional strategic culture work suffers the worst of both worlds, striving for explanatory power but having to grapple with multiple, competing cultures, and so is weaker than either of the other schools. While culturally aware scholarship of specific political institutions and social actors of specific cases should be encouraged, policymakers and scholars should not expect much distinctive predictive utility from the strategic culture literature per se. | Two separate strands of political science literature have reinvigorated the study of culture in international security in recent years through their methodological rigor and empiric accuracy: constructivism and organizational theory. It is important to recognize, though, that these literatures speak to particular roles of culture in strategic studies – and not those roles studied in the strategic culture literature. Indeed, that literature has not been as successful as the other two, suffering from over-determined predictions, empirical failures, and an unresolved debate about epistemology. Thus, there is a perplexing lacuna in the centre of this field: A weak core of cultural analysis in international security coupled with stronger works at the periphery. There are two reasons for this. One the one hand, organizational cultures tend to be more unified Than the myriad strains in all national cultures. On the other, constructivism looks primarily to explain – and less often to predict – identity. Traditional strategic culture work suffers the worst of both worlds, striving for explanatory power but having to grapple with multiple, competing cultures, and so is weaker than either of the other schools. While culturally aware scholarship of specific political institutions and social actors of specific cases should be encouraged, policymakers and scholars should not expect much distinctive predictive utility from the strategic culture literature per se. | Two separate strands of political science literature have reinvigorated the study of culture in international security in recent years through their methodological rigor and Empiric accuracy: Constructivism and organizational theory. It is important to recognize, though, that these literatures speak to particular roles of culture in strategic studies – and not those roles studied in the strategic culture literature. Indeed, that literature has not been as successful as the other two, suffering from Over-Determined predictions, empirical failures, and an unresolved debate about epistemology. Thus, there is a perplexing Lacuna in the centre of this field: a weak core of cultural analysis in international security coupled with stronger works at the periphery. There are two reasons for this. One the one hand, organizational cultures tend to be more unified than the myriad strains in all national cultures. on the other, Constructivism looks primarily to explain – and less often to predict – identity. traditional strategic culture work suffers the worst of both worlds, striving for explanatory power but having to grapple with multiple, competing cultures, and so is weaker than either of the other schools. While culturally aware scholarship of specific political institutions and social actors of specific cases should be encouraged, policymakers and scholars should not expect much distinctive predictive utility from the strategic culture literature per se. |
| The subject of Us perceptions of the Soviet threat would not have attracted the pathological interest it has if changes in Us policy towards The Soviet Union since 1917 had been unambiguously related to fluctuations in Soviet words and actions. What requires explanation (and concern) is not good sight, but distorted vision; and in the superpower relationship There has been a widespread and justified diagnosis that the Soviet threat has been frequently misperceived. The outcome has been a mismatch between Soviet behaviour and us assessment of it. | The subject of us perceptions of the soviet threat would not have attracted the pathological interest it has if changes in us policy towards The soviet union since 1917 had been unambiguously related to fluctuations in soviet words and actions. What requires explanation (and concern) is not good sight, but distorted vision; and in the superpower relationship There has been a widespread and justified diagnosis that the soviet threat has been frequently misperceived. The outcome has been a mismatch between soviet behaviour and us assessment of it. | The subject of us perceptions of the Soviet threat would not have attracted the pathological interest it has if changes in us policy towards the Soviet Union since 1917 had been unambiguously related to fluctuations in Soviet words and actions. What requires explanation (and concern) is not good sight, but distorted vision; and in the superpower relationship there has been a widespread and justified diagnosis that the Soviet threat has been frequently Misperceived. The outcome has been a mismatch between Soviet behaviour and us assessment of it. |
| The American decision to deploy missile defence in Poland endangered the central myth of putin's regime (Russia's rebirth as a great power), challenged the status of putin As Russia's strongman, and introduced an additional uncertainty into the carefully scripted campaign for succession to putin. It also hit the raw nerve of Russia's reliance On nuclear weapons. The character of Russian policy‐making has guaranteed the worst‐case scenario evaluation of the American programme. The Russian elite's world view has magnified the problems resulting from the deployment into fears of a window of vulnerability. | The american decision to deploy missile defence in Poland endangered the central myth of Putin's regime (Russia's rebirth as a great power), challenged the status of Putin As Russia's strongman, and introduced an additional uncertainty into the carefully scripted campaign for succession to Putin. It also hit the raw nerve of Russia's reliance On nuclear weapons. The character of russian policy‐making has guaranteed the worst‐case scenario evaluation of the american programme. The russian elite's world view has magnified the problems resulting from the deployment into fears of a window of vulnerability. | The American decision to deploy missile defence in Poland endangered the central myth of Putin's regime (Russia's rebirth as a great power), challenged the status of Putin as Russia's strongman, and introduced an additional uncertainty into the carefully Scripted campaign for succession to Putin. It also hit the raw nerve of Russia's reliance on nuclear weapons. The character of Russian Policy‐Making has guaranteed the Worst‐Case scenario evaluation of the American programme. The Russian elite's world view has magnified the problems resulting from the deployment into fears of a window of vulnerability. |
| The momentum of the Soviet military buildup of the 1960s and 1970s shows every sign of being carried over into the 1980s. serial production of modern tanks, armored personnel carriers, artillery pieces, fighter aircraft, medium-range bombers and missiles, As well as cruisers and aircraft carriers, is continuing. New weapons are being developed and tested. New large military production plants and assembly buildings are being constructed. The technological gap in weapon systems has been closed in many areas, and in some areas The Soviet Union Has taken the lead. | The momentum of the soviet military buildup of the 1960s and 1970s shows every sign of being carried over into the 1980s. serial production of modern tanks, armored personnel carriers, artillery pieces, fighter aircraft, medium-range bombers and missiles, As well as cruisers and aircraft carriers, is continuing. New weapons are being developed and tested. New large military production plants and assembly buildings are being constructed. The technological gap in weapon systems has been closed in many areas, and in some areas the soviet union Has taken the lead. | The momentum of the Soviet military buildup of the 1960s and 1970s shows every sign of being carried over into the 1980s. Serial production of modern tanks, armored personnel carriers, artillery pieces, fighter aircraft, Medium-Range bombers and missiles, as well as cruisers and aircraft carriers, is continuing. New weapons are being developed and tested. New large military production plants and assembly buildings are being constructed. The technological gap in weapon systems has been closed in many areas, and in some areas the Soviet Union has taken the lead. |
| Whether China's strategic culture is offensive Or defensive In nature is an interesting question in understanding Chinese foreign policy behavior. Alastair johnston argues for a parabellum culture of offensive realism that leads to a pattern of Chinese aggressive behavior. But China's behavior in the korean war, the Sino-Indian war, and the sino-vietnam war shows A defensive pattern that johnston's analysis cannot fully explain. By analyzing the operational code of mao zedong's public foreign policy speeches, using the automated verbs in context system (vics) of content analysis, this article attempts to determine whether mao's belief system reflected the influence of a defensive or an offensive strategic culture, and compares the results to johnston's analysis. The results indicate that johnston's cultural realist argument is only partially correct and needs to be qualified in important respects. The operational-code analysis of mao zedong reveals A more complex reality than did johnston's analysis. The results partly support johnston's claim about mao as an offensive realist, But this result cannot be generalized across situations, As the operational code analysis shows that strategic beliefs Are not static. Mao's beliefs were also the product of his personality and of the international historical setting. | Whether China's strategic culture is offensive Or defensive In nature is an interesting question in understanding chinese foreign policy behavior. Alastair Johnston argues for a parabellum culture of offensive realism that leads to a pattern of chinese aggressive behavior. But China's behavior in the korean war, the Sino-indian war, and the Sino-Vietnam war shows A defensive pattern that Johnston's analysis cannot fully explain. By analyzing the operational code of Mao Zedong's public foreign policy speeches, using the automated verbs in context system (vics) of content analysis, this article attempts to determine whether Mao's belief system reflected the influence of a defensive or an offensive strategic culture, and compares the results to Johnston's analysis. The results indicate that Johnston's cultural realist argument is only partially correct and needs to be qualified in important respects. The operational-code analysis of Mao Zedong reveals A more complex reality than did Johnston's analysis. The results partly support Johnston's claim about Mao as an offensive realist, But this result cannot be generalized across situations, As the operational code analysis shows that strategic beliefs Are not static. Mao's beliefs were also the product of his personality and of the international historical setting. | Whether China's strategic culture is offensive or defensive in nature is an interesting question in understanding Chinese foreign policy behavior. Alastair Johnston argues for a Parabellum culture of offensive realism that leads to a pattern of Chinese aggressive behavior. But China's behavior in the Korean war, the Sino-Indian war, and the Sino-Vietnam war shows a defensive pattern that Johnston's analysis cannot fully explain. by analyzing the operational code of Mao Zedong's public foreign policy speeches, using the automated verbs in context system (Vics) of content analysis, this article attempts to determine whether Mao's belief system reflected the influence of a defensive or an offensive strategic culture, and compares the results to Johnston's analysis. The results indicate that Johnston's cultural realist argument is only partially correct and needs to be qualified in important respects. The Operational-Code analysis of Mao Zedong reveals a more complex reality than did Johnston's analysis. The results partly support Johnston's claim about Mao as an offensive realist, but this result cannot be generalized across situations, as the operational code analysis shows that strategic beliefs are not static. Mao's beliefs were also the product of his personality and of the International historical setting. |
| Control over exportable oil resources means control over the economic and political destinies of Russia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and turkmenistan. Russia wants that control. Azerbaijan will be the test. | Control over exportable oil resources means control over the economic and political destinies of Russia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan. Russia wants that control. Azerbaijan will be the test. | Control over exportable oil resources means control over the economic and political destinies of Russia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan. Russia wants that control. Azerbaijan will be the test. |
| Abstract the eisenhower administration's tough containment policy Toward China has been conventionally viewed as an unsensible policy resulting from domestic political pressures or ideology. Refuting the conventional explanations, this article argues that during the early cold war, the Us superiority in bipolarity drove China to balance The United States in asia. Dulles, the architect of the China policy, made accurate assessments of the power structure in asia and the inevitable enmity with China. Driven by structural imperative, he decided to pursue containment to maintain the favourable balance of power in asia by retarding the relative power growth of China Allied With The Soviet Union and secondarily by accelerating their conflict through harder pressure on a weaker China. This case long considered as a prime anomaly to balance of power theory actually demonstrates how powerfully distributions of power shape alliance behaviours of states in the anarchic international system. | Abstract the Eisenhower administration's tough containment policy Toward China has been conventionally viewed as an unsensible policy resulting from domestic political pressures or ideology. Refuting the conventional explanations, this article argues that during the early cold war, the us superiority in bipolarity drove China to balance the United States in Asia. Dulles, the architect of the China policy, made accurate assessments of the power structure in Asia and the inevitable enmity with China. Driven by structural imperative, he decided to pursue containment to maintain the favourable balance of power in Asia by retarding the relative power growth of China Allied With the soviet union and secondarily by accelerating their conflict through harder pressure on a weaker China. This case long considered as a prime anomaly to balance of power theory actually demonstrates how powerfully distributions of power shape alliance behaviours of states in the anarchic international system. | Abstract the Eisenhower administration's tough containment policy toward China has been conventionally viewed as an Unsensible policy resulting from domestic political pressures or ideology. Refuting the conventional explanations, this article argues that during the early cold war, the us superiority in Bipolarity drove China to balance the United States in Asia. Dulles, the architect of the China policy, made accurate assessments of the power structure in Asia and the inevitable enmity with China. driven by structural imperative, he decided to pursue containment to maintain the favourable balance of power in Asia by retarding the relative power growth of China Allied with the Soviet Union and secondarily by accelerating their conflict through harder pressure on a weaker China. This case long considered as a prime anomaly to balance of power theory actually demonstrates how powerfully distributions of power shape alliance Behaviours of States in the anarchic international system. |
| This study uses the verbs in context system (vics) to analyze and compare the operational codes of president lyndon johnson and his advisors during the vietnam conflict. The initial focus is on changes in johnson's general operational code As revealed in public statements during the period leading to the decisions to bomb north vietnam and to intervene with ground forces in south vietnam. Johnson's public operational codes for the domestic, foreign, and Vietnam domains are then compared, and his public operational code for the Vietnam conflict is contrasted with the private operational code of his Vietnam advisors (as expressed in private memoranda). Period effects, domain effects, and other differences are revealed between the views of johnson and those of his advisors. | This study uses the verbs in context system (vics) to analyze and compare the operational codes of President Lyndon Johnson and his advisors during the Vietnam conflict. The initial focus is on changes in Johnson's general operational code As revealed in public statements during the period leading to the decisions to bomb North Vietnam and to intervene with ground forces in South Vietnam. Johnson's public operational codes for the domestic, foreign, and Vietnam domains are then compared, and his public operational code for the Vietnam conflict is contrasted with the private operational code of his Vietnam advisors (as expressed in private memoranda). Period effects, domain effects, and other differences are revealed between the views of Johnson and those of his advisors. | This study uses the verbs in context system (Vics) to analyze and compare the operational codes of President Lyndon Johnson and his advisors during the Vietnam conflict. The initial focus is on changes in Johnson's general operational code as revealed in public statements during the period leading to the decisions to bomb North Vietnam and to intervene with ground forces in South Vietnam. Johnson's public operational codes for the domestic, foreign, and Vietnam domains are then compared, and his public operational code for the Vietnam conflict is contrasted with the private operational code of his Vietnam advisors (as expressed in private memoranda). period effects, domain effects, and other differences are revealed between the views of Johnson and those of his advisors. |
| This study explores the issues involved in creating a regional security regime in the middle east using insights from the levels of analysis framework of international relations theory. In doing so, spiegel focuses on the means which can be implemented in the region in order to improve the prospects for establishing such a regime. | This study explores the issues involved in creating a regional security regime in the middle east using insights from the levels of analysis framework of international relations theory. In doing so, spiegel focuses on the means which can be implemented in the region in order to improve the prospects for establishing such a regime. | This study EXPLORES the issues involved in creating a regional security regime in the Middle East using insights from the levels of analysis framework of international relations theory. In doing so, Spiegel focuses on the means which can be implemented in the region in order to improve the prospects for establishing such a regime. |
| This article joins a robust literature in confronting an enduring dilemma of organized politics: who guards the guardians—and how? Building on an agency theory of civil-military relations, this article introduces a new way to think about the American military and its civil-military relationships. Traditional agency theory offered a strong and flexible approach for evaluating the relative strength of civilian control over the military. A principled agent framework takes the argument further by expanding the scope of when, what, and who. A temporal expansion reveals The subtle bargaining interactions between the advising and executing phases of a policy. A contextual expansion shows the importance of considering the broader policy ecosystem when evaluating the quality of military compliance. And a service-level expansion demonstrates the powerful impact of service culture on American civil-military outcomes. The four services tend to act as principled agents, making sense of policy ambiguity through their own cultural logic. After explaining the mechanics of the argument and summarizing the core cultural beliefs of the four services, the article uses two historical vignettes to illustrate elements of the framework in action. It concludes by highlighting implications for practitioners and citizens alike. | This article joins a robust literature in confronting an enduring dilemma of organized politics: who guards the guardians—and how? Building on an agency theory of civil-military relations, this article introduces a new way to think about the american military and its civil-military relationships. Traditional agency theory offered a strong and flexible approach for evaluating the relative strength of civilian control over the military. A principled agent framework takes the argument further by expanding the scope of when, what, and who. A temporal expansion reveals The subtle bargaining interactions between the advising and executing phases of a policy. A contextual expansion shows the importance of considering the broader policy ecosystem when evaluating the quality of military compliance. And a service-level expansion demonstrates the powerful impact of service culture on american civil-military outcomes. The four services tend to act as principled agents, making sense of policy ambiguity through their own cultural logic. After explaining the mechanics of the argument and summarizing the core cultural beliefs of the four services, the article uses two historical vignettes to illustrate elements of the framework in action. It concludes by highlighting implications for practitioners and citizens alike. | This article joins a robust literature in confronting an enduring dilemma of organized politics: who guards the Guardians—And how? building on an agency theory of Civil-Military relations, this article introduces a new way to think about the American military and its Civil-Military relationships. traditional agency theory offered a strong and flexible approach for evaluating the relative strength of civilian control over the military. A principled agent framework takes the argument further by expanding the scope of when, what, and who. A temporal expansion reveals the subtle bargaining interactions between the advising and executing phases of a policy. A Contextual expansion shows the importance of considering the broader policy Ecosystem when evaluating the quality of military compliance. and a Service-Level expansion demonstrates the powerful impact of service culture on American Civil-Military outcomes. The four services tend to act as principled agents, making sense of policy ambiguity through their own cultural logic. After explaining the mechanics of the argument and summarizing the core cultural beliefs of the four services, the article uses two historical vignettes to illustrate elements of the framework in action. It concludes by highlighting implications for practitioners and citizens alike. |
| This piece discUsses some of the history and ideas present during the first decades at the rand corporation, the think tank which became significant during the post wwii years and became an important institution for the mentoring and development of strategic thinking in the Us. It also had an important role for the development of important areas in economics and business school perspectives, such as game theory, evolutionary, behavioral and experimental economics, and others; and it also was a place where several key contributors to the strategic management field worked (including herbert simon, sidney winter, and richard nelson). | This piece discusses some of the history and ideas present during the first decades at the Rand corporation, the think tank which became significant during the post wwii years and became an important institution for the mentoring and development of strategic thinking in the us. It also had an important role for the development of important areas in economics and business school perspectives, such as game theory, evolutionary, behavioral and experimental economics, and others; and it also was a place where several key contributors to the strategic management field worked (including Herbert Simon, Sidney winter, and Richard Nelson). | This piece discusses some of the history and ideas present during the first decades at the rand corporation, the think tank which became significant during the post Wwii years and became an important institution for the mentoring and development of strategic thinking in the us. It also had an important role for the development of important areas in economics and business school perspectives, such as game theory, evolutionary, behavioral and experimental economics, and others; and it also was a place where several key contributors to the strategic management field worked (including Herbert Simon, Sidney winter, and Richard Nelson). |
| Russian relations with the west have deteriorated significantly in the past two decades, in particular after the rise of vladimir putin. The factors leading to this shift included domestic issues such as the role of the military and security elite, As well As the reemergence of authoritarianism and growing concern in Russia for the expansion of western influence In Post-Soviet space. | Russian relations with the west have deteriorated significantly in the past two decades, in particular after the rise of Vladimir Putin. The factors leading to this shift included domestic issues such as the role of the military and security elite, As well As the reemergence of authoritarianism and growing concern in Russia for the expansion of western influence In post-soviet space. | Russian relations with the West have deteriorated significantly in the past two decades, in particular after the rise of Vladimir Putin. The factors leading to this shift included domestic issues such as the role of the military and security elite, as well as the Reemergence of authoritarianism and growing concern in Russia for the expansion of Western influence in Post-Soviet space. |
| This article critically examines how the hybrid warfare concept informs Russian academic and policy debate and how it impacts Russian political and military practice. It explains how the concept of hybrid warfare correlates with the concept of new generation warfare in shaping two vectors in the Russian military policy. The analysis of Russian strategic discourse on hybrid warfare paired with the analysis of some trends in the Russian policy-making argues that the notion of hybrid warfare has become embedded in the thinking of the elites and is now operationalized, including in domestic politics. | This article critically examines how the hybrid warfare concept informs russian academic and policy debate and how it impacts russian political and military practice. It explains how the concept of hybrid warfare correlates with the concept of new generation warfare in shaping two vectors in the russian military policy. The analysis of russian strategic discourse on hybrid warfare paired with the analysis of some trends in the russian policy-making argues that the notion of hybrid warfare has become embedded in the thinking of the elites and is now operationalized, including in domestic politics. | This article critically examines how the hybrid warfare concept informs Russian academic and policy debate and how it impacts Russian political and military practice. It explains how the concept of hybrid warfare Correlates with the concept of new generation warfare in shaping two vectors in the Russian military policy. The analysis of Russian strategic discourse on hybrid warfare paired with the analysis of some trends in the Russian policy-making argues that the notion of hybrid warfare has become embedded in the thinking of the Elites and is now Operationalized, including in domestic politics. |
| One useful conceptualization of culture is that of a preestablished set of behavioral competencies, which in turn form behavioral dispositions. According to this variant of culture theory, decision‐makers faced with new situations will rely On established Behavioral competencies in forming an initial policy response. This assumption can also be applied at the nation‐state level, Where established Behavioral predispositions may lessen uncertainty and stress in ambiguous yet salient foreign policy situations. Likewise, observers in one nation‐state may be able to identify such behavioral dispositions in other nation‐states, lending greater transparency and predictability to international interactions. Do such culturally based action templates exist? Are they recognizable even to ordinary citizens? Citizens in Russia, Japan, and The United States were asked to posit the most likely and least likely Behavioral responses to a variety of foreign policy situations by their own nation and by the other two nations in the sample. The results indicate that recognition of such templates takes place, and that recognition of one nation's template content by citizens of the other nations typically matches recognition of template content by the nation's own citizens. The research also shows that such action templates can be eroded and become unrecognizable over time, both to insiders and to outsiders. | One useful conceptualization of culture is that of a preestablished set of behavioral competencies, which in turn form behavioral dispositions. According to this variant of culture theory, decision‐makers faced with new situations will rely On established Behavioral competencies in forming an initial policy response. This assumption can also be applied at the nation‐state level, Where established Behavioral predispositions may lessen uncertainty and stress in ambiguous yet salient foreign policy situations. Likewise, observers in one nation‐state may be able to identify such behavioral dispositions in other nation‐states, lending greater transparency and predictability to international interactions. Do such culturally based action templates exist? Are they recognizable even to ordinary citizens? Citizens in Russia, Japan, and the united States were asked to posit the most likely and least likely Behavioral responses to a variety of foreign policy situations by their own nation and by the other two nations in the sample. The results indicate that recognition of such templates takes place, and that recognition of one nation's template content by citizens of the other nations typically matches recognition of template content by the nation's own citizens. The research also shows that such action templates can be eroded and become unrecognizable over time, both to insiders and to outsiders. | One useful conceptualization of culture is that of a Preestablished set of behavioral Competencies, which in turn form behavioral dispositions. According to this variant of culture theory, Decision‐Makers faced with new situations will rely on established behavioral Competencies in forming an initial policy response. This assumption can also be applied at the Nation‐State level, where established behavioral predispositions may lessen uncertainty and stress in ambiguous yet salient foreign policy situations. Likewise, observers in one Nation‐State may be able to identify such behavioral dispositions in other Nation‐States, lending greater transparency and predictability to international interactions. do such culturally based action Templates exist? are they recognizable even to ordinary citizens? citizens in Russia, Japan, and the United States were asked to Posit the most likely and least likely behavioral responses to a variety of foreign policy situations by their own nation and by the other two nations in the sample. The results indicate that recognition of such Templates takes place, and that recognition of one nation's template content by citizens of the other nations typically matches recognition of template content by the nation's own citizens. The research also shows that such action Templates can be eroded and become unrecognizable over time, both to insiders and to outsiders. |
| The relationship between military reform in Russia and Russian threat perceptions is influenced by the Soviet past, by Russian domestic politics, and by the character of current u.s.-Russian and nato-Russian relations. Prospective Russian military reform is endangered by continuing threat perceptions that exaggerate Russian military weakness and by domestic forces that play against a rational assessment of Russia's geostrategic requirements. | The relationship between military reform in Russia and Russian threat perceptions is influenced by the soviet past, by Russian domestic politics, and by the character of current U.S.-Russian and nato-Russian relations. Prospective Russian military reform is endangered by continuing threat perceptions that exaggerate Russian military weakness and by domestic forces that play against a rational assessment of Russia's geostrategic requirements. | The relationship between military reform in Russia and Russian threat perceptions is influenced by the Soviet past, by Russian domestic politics, and by the character of current U.S.-Russian and Nato-Russian relations. prospective Russian military reform is endangered by continuing threat perceptions that exaggerate Russian military weakness and by domestic forces that play against a rational assessment of Russia's Geostrategic requirements. |
| This chapter examines how Nato's recent preoccupation with deterrence has been received by Russia and what consequences this may have for future relations between the two actors. It seeks to examine the sources of Russian reactions to Nato's deterrence efforts, emphasizing that Russia's rejection of the west has been long in the making. The chapter argues that it is unlikely that this pattern can be broken in the current situation characterized by very high levels of distrust. From 2014 onward, disengagement and deterrence policies materialized swiftly, on both sides and across the military and geographic spectrum. On the Russian side, the black sea fleet in crimea was immediately strengthened, with reference to 'natos build-up of forces in the eastern europe and the black sea'. In Russia, the main concern of the leadership, apart from deterring Nato, has been to reassure the audiences at home That this time Russia will not stand down In the face of 'the western threat'. | This chapter examines how Nato's recent preoccupation with deterrence has been received by Russia and what consequences this may have for future relations between the two actors. It seeks to examine the sources of Russian reactions to nato's deterrence efforts, emphasizing that Russia's rejection of the west has been long in the making. The chapter argues that it is unlikely that this pattern can be broken in the current situation characterized by very high levels of distrust. From 2014 onward, disengagement and deterrence policies materialized swiftly, on both sides and across the military and geographic spectrum. On the russian side, the black sea fleet in Crimea was immediately strengthened, with reference to 'natos build-up of forces in the eastern Europe and the black sea'. In Russia, the main concern of the leadership, apart from deterring nato, has been to reassure the audiences at home That this time Russia will not stand down In the face of 'the western threat'. | This chapter examines how NATO's recent preoccupation with deterrence has been received by Russia and what consequences this may have for future relations between the two actors. It seeks to examine the sources of Russian reactions to NATO's deterrence efforts, emphasizing that Russia's rejection of the West has been long in the making. The chapter argues that it is unlikely that this pattern can be broken in the current situation characterized by very high levels of distrust. from 2014 onward, disengagement and deterrence policies materialized swiftly, on both sides and across the military and geographic spectrum. on the Russian side, the Black Sea fleet in Crimea was immediately strengthened, with reference to 'Natos build-up of forces in the Eastern Europe and the Black Sea'. In Russia, the main concern of the leadership, apart from deterring NATO, has been to reassure the audiences at home that this time Russia will not stand down in the face of 'The Western threat'. |
| The article examines Russian scholarly discussion of nonmilitary warfare with reference to securitization theory. Focusing on three main concepts of nonmilitary warfare that have featured in the Russian scholarly military and security debate in recent years – Information war, color revolutions and hybrid war – it shows that Russian scholarly discussion of nonmilitary warfare, as it has evolved over time, has cast a widening range of phenomena as potential security threats, implying the need for an expanded state response to meet these threats. The broadened Russian understanding of security has some parallels in western security discussions. However, a crucial distinction is that the Russian discussion has remained wedded to strong statist notion of security and a preponderant western enemy image. | The article examines russian scholarly discussion of nonmilitary warfare with reference to securitization theory. Focusing on three main concepts of nonmilitary warfare that have featured in the russian scholarly military and security debate in recent years – Information war, color revolutions and hybrid war – it shows that russian scholarly discussion of nonmilitary warfare, as it has evolved over time, has cast a widening range of phenomena as potential security threats, implying the need for an expanded state response to meet these threats. The broadened russian understanding of security has some parallels in western security discussions. However, a crucial distinction is that the russian discussion has remained wedded to strong statist notion of security and a preponderant western enemy image. | The article examines Russian scholarly discussion of Nonmilitary warfare with reference to securitization theory. focusing on three main concepts of Nonmilitary warfare that have featured in the Russian scholarly military and security debate in recent years – information war, color revolutions and hybrid war – it shows that Russian scholarly discussion of Nonmilitary warfare, as it has evolved over time, has cast a widening range of phenomena as potential security threats, implying the need for an expanded state response to meet these threats. The broadened Russian understanding of security has some parallels in Western security discussions. However, a crucial distinction is that the Russian discussion has remained wedded to strong statist notion of security and a Preponderant Western enemy image. |
| The purpose of this article is to understand and predict the Iranian behavior during the nuclear crisis. The model presented here provides A simple framework for structuring strategic interaction (game theory), a way to capture the beliefs of the actors prior to the crisis and deduce likely behavior From them (operational code analysis), and identify key factors (large‐group identity and political survival) to monitor real time to determine preferences independent from observed behavior. The main finding of this analysis is that Iranians would like to negotiate a settlement But they have a very conflictual view of The United States. They fear that if they show willingness to negotiate, The United States could exploit it. This lack of trust and the relatively low cost of maintaining the current deadlock prevent the Iranians coming to the table. | The purpose of this article is to understand and predict the iranian behavior during the nuclear crisis. The model presented here provides A simple framework for structuring strategic interaction (game theory), a way to capture the beliefs of the actors prior to the crisis and deduce likely behavior From them (operational code analysis), and identify key factors (large‐group identity and political survival) to monitor real time to determine preferences independent from observed behavior. The main finding of this analysis is that Iranians would like to negotiate a settlement But they have a very conflictual view of the United States. They fear that if they show willingness to negotiate, the United States could exploit it. This lack of trust and the relatively low cost of maintaining the current deadlock prevent the iranians coming to the table. | The purpose of this article is to understand and predict the Iranian behavior during the nuclear crisis. The model presented here provides a simple framework for structuring strategic interaction (game theory), a way to capture the beliefs of the actors prior to the crisis and deduce likely behavior from them (operational code analysis), and identify key factors (Large‐Group identity and political survival) to monitor real time to determine preferences independent from observed behavior. The main finding of this analysis is that Iranians would like to negotiate a settlement but they have a very Conflictual view of the United States. They fear that if they show willingness to negotiate, the United States could exploit it. This lack of trust and the relatively low cost of maintaining the current deadlock prevent the Iranians coming to the table. |
| One of the factors in world politics which social scientists are beginning to subject to systematic analysis is that of elite behavior in international relations. While hypotheses about elite behavior appear to be not only essential to, but also implicit in, any formulation of foreign policy, it still requires to be demonstrated whether research of this order has any operational utility. Clearly, many students in this field have not articulated their assumptions about the conduct of elite groups in foreign affairs; it is often doubted that hypotheses based upon intensive investigation of the doctrine of elites and their cultural matrices have any bearing on the analyses usually pursued in the study of international relations. | One of the factors in world politics which social scientists are beginning to subject to systematic analysis is that of elite behavior in international relations. While hypotheses about elite behavior appear to be not only essential to, but also implicit in, any formulation of foreign policy, it still requires to be demonstrated whether research of this order has any operational utility. Clearly, many students in this field have not articulated their assumptions about the conduct of elite groups in foreign affairs; it is often doubted that hypotheses based upon intensive investigation of the doctrine of elites and their cultural matrices have any bearing on the analyses usually pursued in the study of international relations. | One of the factors in world politics which social scientists are beginning to subject to systematic analysis is that of elite behavior in international relations. While Hypotheses about elite behavior appear to be not only essential to, but also implicit in, any formulation of foreign policy, it still requires to be demonstrated whether research of this order has any operational utility. clearly, many students in this field have not articulated their assumptions about the conduct of elite groups in foreign affairs; it is often doubted that Hypotheses based upon intensive investigation of the doctrine of Elites and their cultural Matrices have any bearing on the analyses usually pursued in the study of international relations. |
| We have learned time and again in history that arming opposition forces, while improving their chances in the near term, can militarize and divide a society in ways detrimental to its recovery. | We have learned time and again in history that arming opposition forces, while improving their chances in the near term, can militarize and divide a society in ways detrimental to its recovery. | We have learned time and again in history that arming opposition forces, while improving their chances in the near term, can Militarize and divide a society in ways detrimental to its recovery. |
| Geoffrey parker (ed.), the cambridge illustrated history of warfare: the triumph of the west, Cambridge University Press, 1995. Pp.408. £24.95. Isbn 0–521–44073–4. Hew strachan, the politics of the British army. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp.x + 311, index. £30. Isbn 0–19–820670–4. Hugh driver, the birth of military aviation: Britain, 1903–1914. Woodbridge, suffolk: The Boydell Press (for the royal historical society), 1997. Pp.Xi + 356, 20 illus., biblio., index. £40. Isbn 0–86193–234‐x. stephen mcfarland, America's pursuit of precision bombing, 1910–1945. Washington, dc: Smithsonian Institute Press, 1995. Pp.xviii + 312, illus., figures, tables, app., notes, Biblio, index. £23.25 (cloth). Isbn 1–56098–407–4. Iver b. neumann, Russia and the idea of europe: identity and international relations. London and New York: routledge, 1996. Pp.xviii + 210, Biblio., index. £45 (cloth); £13.99 (paper). Isbn 0–415–11379–9 and ‐11371–7. Vladimir baranovsky (ed.), Russia and europe: The emerging security agenda. Oxford: Oxford University Press and sipri, 1997. Pp.xviii + 560, Biblio., index. £50. Isbn 0–19–829201–5. Nancy w. gallagher (ed.), arms control: New approaches to theory and policy. London and Portland, or: frank cass, 1998. Pp.175, glossary, index. $37.50 (cloth); $19.50 (paper). Isbn 0–7146–4813–2 and 4363–7. Kendrick oliver, kennedy, macmillan and the nuclear Test‐Ban debate, 1961–63. London: Macmillan Press Ltd, in association with King'S College, London, 1998. Pp.x + 252, Biblio., index. £47.50. Isbn 0333–696–077. | Geoffrey Parker (ed.), the Cambridge illustrated history of warfare: the triumph of the west, Cambridge university press, 1995. Pp.408. £24.95. Isbn 0–521–44073–4. Hew Strachan, the politics of the british army. Oxford: Oxford university press, 1997. Pp.x + 311, index. £30. Isbn 0–19–820670–4. Hugh driver, the birth of military aviation: Britain, 1903–1914. Woodbridge, Suffolk: the boydell press (for the royal historical society), 1997. Pp.Xi + 356, 20 illus., biblio., index. £40. Isbn 0–86193–234‐x. stephen mcfarland, america's pursuit of precision bombing, 1910–1945. Washington, Dc: smithsonian institute press, 1995. Pp.xviii + 312, illus., figures, tables, app., notes, biblio, index. £23.25 (cloth). Isbn 1–56098–407–4. Iver B. Neumann, Russia and the idea of Europe: identity and international relations. London and new York: routledge, 1996. Pp.xviii + 210, biblio., index. £45 (cloth); £13.99 (paper). Isbn 0–415–11379–9 and ‐11371–7. Vladimir Baranovsky (ed.), Russia and Europe: The emerging security agenda. Oxford: Oxford university press and sipri, 1997. Pp.xviii + 560, biblio., index. £50. Isbn 0–19–829201–5. Nancy W. Gallagher (ed.), arms control: New approaches to theory and policy. London and Portland, or: Frank Cass, 1998. Pp.175, glossary, index. $37.50 (cloth); $19.50 (paper). Isbn 0–7146–4813–2 and 4363–7. Kendrick Oliver, Kennedy, macmillan and the nuclear test‐ban debate, 1961–63. London: macmillan press ltd, in association with king's college, London, 1998. Pp.x + 252, biblio., index. £47.50. Isbn 0333–696–077. | Geoffrey Parker (Ed.), the Cambridge illustrated history of warfare: the triumph of the West, Cambridge University press, 1995. Pp.408. £24.95. Isbn 0–521–44073–4. Hew Strachan, the politics of the British Army. Oxford: Oxford University press, 1997. Pp.X + 311, index. £30. Isbn 0–19–820670–4. Hugh driver, the birth of military Aviation: Britain, 1903–1914. Woodbridge, Suffolk: the Boydell press (for the Royal historical society), 1997. Pp.Xi + 356, 20 Illus., Biblio., index. £40. Isbn 0–86193–234‐X. Stephen McFarland, America's pursuit of precision bombing, 1910–1945. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institute press, 1995. Pp.Xviii + 312, Illus., figures, tables, App., notes, Biblio, index. £23.25 (cloth). Isbn 1–56098–407–4. Iver B. Neumann, Russia and the idea of Europe: identity and international relations. London and New York: Routledge, 1996. Pp.Xviii + 210, Biblio., index. £45 (cloth); £13.99 (paper). Isbn 0–415–11379–9 and ‐11371–7. Vladimir Baranovsky (Ed.), Russia and Europe: the emerging security agenda. Oxford: Oxford University press and Sipri, 1997. Pp.Xviii + 560, Biblio., index. £50. Isbn 0–19–829201–5. Nancy W. Gallagher (Ed.), arms control: new approaches to theory and policy. London and Portland, or: Frank Cass, 1998. Pp.175, glossary, index. $37.50 (cloth); $19.50 (paper). Isbn 0–7146–4813–2 and 4363–7. Kendrick Oliver, Kennedy, MacMillan and the nuclear Test‐Ban debate, 1961–63. London: MacMillan press Ltd, in association with King's college, London, 1998. Pp.X + 252, Biblio., index. £47.50. Isbn 0333–696–077. |
| Social groups That are dispossessed Invariably seek targets On which they can vent their resentments, targets whose power can serve to explain their dispossession. The managerial executive class as among the dispossessed may seem strange, especially in the light of the argument that a revolution which is undermining property As the basis of power is enfranchising a new class of technical personnel Among who are the business executives. The "national style" is a compound of the values and the national character of a country. As anyone who has read travelers' accounts knows, there has long been Agreement on the characteristics of the American style. The distinctive theme of the radical right is that not only is communism a more threatening force today Than at any other time in the past forty years, but that the threat is as great domestically As it is externally. | Social groups That are dispossessed Invariably seek targets On which they can vent their resentments, targets whose power can serve to explain their dispossession. The managerial executive class as among the dispossessed may seem strange, especially in the light of the argument that a revolution which is undermining property As the basis of power is enfranchising a new class of technical personnel Among who are the business executives. The "national style" is a compound of the values and the national character of a country. As anyone who has read travelers' accounts knows, there has long been Agreement on the characteristics of the american style. The distinctive theme of the radical right is that not only is communism a more threatening force today Than at any other time in the past forty years, but that the threat is as great domestically As it is externally. | Social groups that are dispossessed invariably seek targets on which they can vent their resentments, targets whose power can serve to explain their dispossession. The managerial executive class as among the dispossessed may seem strange, especially in the light of the argument that a revolution which is undermining property as the basis of power is Enfranchising a new class of technical personnel among who are the business executives. The "national style" is a compound of the values and the national character of a country. As anyone who has read travelers' accounts knows, there has long been agreement on the characteristics of the American style. The distinctive theme of the radical right is that not only is communism a more threatening force today than at any other time in the past forty years, but that the threat is as great domestically as it is externally. |
| During the cold war, academic theorists and senior U.S. policy makers planned strategies of nuclear deterrence According to a particularly narrow application Of the rational actor model. Their assumptions were that the Soviet leadership would make decisions pertinent to deterrence per an instrumental rationality, and that the parameters of that rational decision making would be bounded by a familiar and largely western worldview with regard to perceptions, values, goals, and behavioral norms. The fundamental problem with this narrow application Of the rational actor model Is that it typically does not take into account A wide range of factors that can shape decision making decisively and vary widely Across time, place, and opponent. | During the cold war, academic theorists and senior U.S. policy makers planned strategies of nuclear deterrence According to a particularly narrow application Of the rational actor model. Their assumptions were that the soviet leadership would make decisions pertinent to deterrence per an instrumental rationality, and that the parameters of that rational decision making would be bounded by a familiar and largely western worldview with regard to perceptions, values, goals, and behavioral norms. The fundamental problem with this narrow application Of the rational actor model Is that it typically does not take into account A wide range of factors that can shape decision making decisively and vary widely Across time, place, and opponent. | During the cold war, academic theorists and senior U.S. policy makers planned strategies of nuclear deterrence according to a particularly narrow application of the rational actor model. their assumptions were that the Soviet leadership would make decisions pertinent to deterrence per an instrumental rationality, and that the parameters of that rational decision making would be bounded by a familiar and largely Western Worldview with regard to perceptions, values, goals, and behavioral norms. The fundamental problem with this narrow application of the rational actor model is that it typically does not take into account a wide range of factors that can shape decision making decisively and vary widely across time, place, and opponent. |
| In the context of the ongoing debate over the relative importance Of personalist and institutionalized arrangements in contemporary Russian policy-making, an analysis is undertaken of the Russian decision to annex crimea. The findings, while necessarily tentative, are that, while the specific decision was probably taken within a small group of officials with close personal links to the president, those officials themselves Represent significant policy institutions. Additionally, decision makers had access to a range of information sources on the potential implications of the annexation decision. However, while the presence of institutional arrangements with moderating potential should not be ignored, it is suggested that they are weaker here than in less security-related areas of Russian politics. | In the context of the ongoing debate over the relative importance Of personalist and institutionalized arrangements in contemporary russian policy-making, an analysis is undertaken of the russian decision to annex Crimea. The findings, while necessarily tentative, are that, while the specific decision was probably taken within a small group of officials with close personal links to the president, those officials themselves Represent significant policy institutions. Additionally, decision makers had access to a range of information sources on the potential implications of the annexation decision. However, while the presence of institutional arrangements with moderating potential should not be ignored, it is suggested that they are weaker here than in less security-related areas of russian politics. | In the context of the ongoing debate over the relative importance of Personalist and institutionalized arrangements in contemporary Russian policy-making, an analysis is undertaken of the Russian decision to Annex Crimea. The findings, while necessarily tentative, are that, while the specific decision was probably taken within a small group of officials with close personal links to the President, those officials themselves represent significant policy institutions. Additionally, decision makers had access to a range of information sources on the potential implications of the Annexation decision. However, while the presence of institutional arrangements with moderating potential should not be ignored, it is suggested that they are weaker here than in less Security-Related areas of Russian politics. |
| Peacekeeping operations have become a central issue in international relations since the end of the cold war. This work underlines the mixture of defensive and offensive stimuli driving Russian 'peacekeeping' strategies, and highlights the dangers that the new Russian federation faces in undertaking these operations. | Peacekeeping operations have become a central issue in international relations since the end of the cold war. This work underlines the mixture of defensive and offensive stimuli driving russian 'peacekeeping' strategies, and highlights the dangers that the new russian federation faces in undertaking these operations. | Peacekeeping operations have become a central issue in international relations since the end of the cold war. This work underlines the mixture of defensive and offensive stimuli driving Russian 'Peacekeeping' strategies, and highlights the dangers that the new Russian Federation faces in undertaking these operations. |
| The Soviet-yugoslav dispute and the subsequent defection of The Yugoslav Communist Party from the ranks of the cominform early in 1948 took the world by surprise. This surprise was in itself indicative of our belief that Stalinist control was to be taken for granted at least in the areas where the local communist parties had come to power through direct or indirect help from The Soviet Union and particularly from the red army. Even when no such help had been given, the ideological affinities of communist states and their need of alliances to preserve the communist power structures would lead, it was believed, to a tightening of relations with The Soviet Union and to Soviet predominance. In other words, we tended to accept without question the premises of Stalinism. | The soviet-yugoslav dispute and the subsequent defection of the yugoslav communist party from the ranks of the cominform early in 1948 took the world by surprise. This surprise was in itself indicative of our belief that stalinist control was to be taken for granted at least in the areas where the local communist parties had come to power through direct or indirect help from the soviet union and particularly from the red army. Even when no such help had been given, the ideological affinities of communist states and their need of alliances to preserve the communist power structures would lead, it was believed, to a tightening of relations with the soviet union and to soviet predominance. In other words, we tended to accept without question the premises of stalinism. | The Soviet-Yugoslav dispute and the subsequent defection of the Yugoslav Communist party from the ranks of the Cominform early in 1948 took the world by surprise. This surprise was in itself indicative of our belief that Stalinist control was to be taken for granted at least in the areas where the local Communist parties had come to power through direct or indirect help from the Soviet Union and particularly from the Red Army. Even when no such help had been given, the ideological affinities of Communist States and their need of alliances to preserve the Communist power structures would lead, it was believed, to a tightening of relations with the Soviet Union and to Soviet predominance. In other words, we tended to accept without question the premises of Stalinism. |
| Official commitment to chemical disarmament in Russia appears to have signalled the end of chemical weapons development and production and has been accompanied by far‐reaching defence cuts, conversion of military‐related chemicals capabilities and government support for international nonproliferation norms. Although it appears unlikely that A large‐scale chemical weapons capability has been preserved, the industrial and scientific base for such a programme still exists and there is support for retaining a chemical weapons option among some groups in the Russian security establishment. Concern also persists about the transparency of chemical demilitarization due to secrecy in the defence establishment; questions about a Soviet/Russian binary Cw programme, the existence of which is suggested by published archival documents but which is still officially denied, remain unanswered. | Official commitment to chemical disarmament in Russia appears to have signalled the end of chemical weapons development and production and has been accompanied by far‐reaching defence cuts, conversion of military‐related chemicals capabilities and government support for international nonproliferation norms. Although it appears unlikely that A large‐scale chemical weapons capability has been preserved, the industrial and scientific base for such a programme still exists and there is support for retaining a chemical weapons option among some groups in the russian security establishment. Concern also persists about the transparency of chemical demilitarization due to secrecy in the defence establishment; questions about a soviet/russian binary Cw programme, the existence of which is suggested by published archival documents but which is still officially denied, remain unanswered. | Official commitment to chemical disarmament in Russia appears to have signalled the end of chemical weapons development and production and has been accompanied by Far‐Reaching defence cuts, conversion of Military‐Related chemicals capabilities and government support for International nonproliferation norms. Although it appears unlikely that a Large‐Scale chemical weapons capability has been preserved, the industrial and scientific base for such a programme still exists and there is support for retaining a chemical weapons option among some groups in the Russian security establishment. concern also persists about the transparency of chemical Demilitarization due to secrecy in the defence establishment; questions about a Soviet/Russian Binary Cw programme, the existence of which is suggested by published Archival documents but which is still officially denied, remain unanswered. |
| Over the last decade there have been major changes in patterns of international defence diplomacy. Defence diplomacy – peacetime military cooperation and assistance – has traditionally been used for realpolitik purposes of strengthening allies against common enemies. Since the early 1990s, however, the western democracies have increasingly used defence diplomacy for a range of new purposes. These include Strategic engagement with former or potential enemies, in particular Russia and China, encouraging multilateral regional cooperation, supporting the democratisation of civil-military relations and assisting states in developing peacekeeping capabilities. This adelphi paper analyses the new defence diplomacy and the policy challenges and dilemmas it poses. The new defence diplomacy Runs alongside The old And there are tensions between the two, in particular between the new goal of promoting democracy and the old imperative of supporting authoritarian allies. These tensions cannot easily be resolved, but External defence diplomacy assistance is likely to play a continuing role in supporting conflict prevention, the reform and democratisation of armed forces and the development of peacekeeping capabilities. | Over the last decade there have been major changes in patterns of international defence diplomacy. Defence diplomacy – peacetime military cooperation and assistance – has traditionally been used for realpolitik purposes of strengthening allies against common enemies. Since the early 1990s, however, the western democracies have increasingly used defence diplomacy for a range of new purposes. These include Strategic engagement with former or potential enemies, in particular Russia and China, encouraging multilateral regional cooperation, supporting the democratisation of civil-military relations and assisting states in developing peacekeeping capabilities. This Adelphi paper analyses the new defence diplomacy and the policy challenges and dilemmas it poses. The new defence diplomacy Runs alongside The old And there are tensions between the two, in particular between the new goal of promoting democracy and the old imperative of supporting authoritarian allies. These tensions cannot easily be resolved, but External defence diplomacy assistance is likely to play a continuing role in supporting conflict prevention, the reform and democratisation of armed forces and the development of peacekeeping capabilities. | Over the last decade there have been major changes in patterns of international defence diplomacy. Defence diplomacy – peacetime military cooperation and assistance – has traditionally been used for Realpolitik purposes of strengthening allies against common enemies. Since the early 1990s, however, the Western democracies have increasingly used defence diplomacy for a range of new purposes. These include strategic engagement with former or potential enemies, in particular Russia and China, encouraging multilateral regional cooperation, supporting the Democratisation of Civil-Military relations and assisting States in developing peacekeeping capabilities. This Adelphi paper analyses the new defence diplomacy and the policy challenges and dilemmas it poses. The new defence diplomacy runs alongside the old and there are tensions between the two, in particular between the new goal of promoting democracy and the old imperative of supporting authoritarian allies. These tensions cannot easily be resolved, but external defence diplomacy assistance is likely to play a continuing role in supporting conflict prevention, the reform and Democratisation of armed forces and the development of peacekeeping capabilities. |
| The concept of strategic culture has become increasingly important in the field of strategic studies. This article traces the evolution of strategic culture As an academic topic and suggests that the importance of culture for understanding strategic issues was also recognized in ancient times. However, it was only in the latter part of the twentieth century that the concept of strategic culture was able to attract the attention of strategic studies theorists. The process whereby strategic studies has attained its present status has been one of scholarly debates and this paper seeks to chronicle that process | The concept of strategic culture has become increasingly important in the field of strategic studies. This article traces the evolution of strategic culture As an academic topic and suggests that the importance of culture for understanding strategic issues was also recognized in ancient times. However, it was only in the latter part of the twentieth century that the concept of strategic culture was able to attract the attention of strategic studies theorists. The process whereby strategic studies has attained its present status has been one of scholarly debates and this paper seeks to chronicle that process | The concept of strategic culture has become increasingly important in the field of strategic studies. This article traces the evolution of strategic culture as an academic topic and suggests that the importance of culture for understanding strategic issues was also recognized in ancient times. However, it was only in the latter part of the twentieth century that the concept of strategic culture was able to attract the attention of strategic studies theorists. The process whereby strategic studies has attained its present status has been one of scholarly debates and this paper seeks to chronicle that process |
| 日文研の教職員等による研究成果やセンターが発行した出版物を電子化し、公開しています。 | 日文研の教職員等による研究成果やセンターが発行した出版物を電子化し、公開しています。 | 日文研の教職員等による研究成果やセンターが発行した出版物を電子化し、公開しています。 |
| This study quantitatively measured the operational codes of yitzhak rabin and Shimon Peres according to the verbs in context system (vics) Devised by walker, schafer, and young (1998). Rabin's and peres's basic propensities regarding the nature and conduct of foreign policy were then compared through analyses of variance, both to each other and across time. Three main trends were found in the results. First, both leaders' conception of their political environment changed over time, from basically conflictual in the 1970s to essentially neutral in the 1990s. second, the remainder of Rabin's operational code, including a surprisingly strong predisposition to approach politics in a cooperative manner, was generally constant across time. Third, unlike rabin, several other components of peres's operational code underwent acute fluctuations, seemingly in response to the perceived different situational context. On the basis of these results and the operational code construct in general, a typology was created that classifies leaders according to their predisposition to pursue either cooperative or conflictual strategies and their level of responsiveness to their political environment. | This study quantitatively measured the operational codes of Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres according to the verbs in context system (vics) Devised by Walker, Schafer, and young (1998). Rabin's and Peres's basic propensities regarding the nature and conduct of foreign policy were then compared through analyses of variance, both to each other and across time. Three main trends were found in the results. First, both leaders' conception of their political environment changed over time, from basically conflictual in the 1970s to essentially neutral in the 1990s. second, the remainder of rabin's operational code, including a surprisingly strong predisposition to approach politics in a cooperative manner, was generally constant across time. Third, unlike Rabin, several other components of Peres's operational code underwent acute fluctuations, seemingly in response to the perceived different situational context. On the basis of these results and the operational code construct in general, a typology was created that classifies leaders according to their predisposition to pursue either cooperative or conflictual strategies and their level of responsiveness to their political environment. | This study quantitatively measured the operational codes of Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres according to the verbs in context system (Vics) devised by Walker, Schafer, and young (1998). Rabin's and Peres's basic Propensities regarding the nature and conduct of foreign policy were then compared through analyses of variance, both to each other and across time. three main trends were found in the results. First, both leaders' conception of their political environment changed over time, from basically Conflictual in the 1970s to essentially neutral in the 1990s. Second, the remainder of Rabin's operational code, including a surprisingly strong predisposition to approach politics in a cooperative manner, was generally constant across time. Third, unlike Rabin, several other components of Peres's operational code underwent acute fluctuations, seemingly in response to the perceived different Situational context. on the basis of these results and the operational code construct in general, a typology was created that Classifies leaders according to their predisposition to pursue either cooperative or Conflictual strategies and their level of responsiveness to their political environment. |
| Der beitrag verortet die vergleichende Außenpolitikanalyse zunächst Gegenüber Den internationalen Beziehungen Und Anderen Wissenschaftsdisziplinen. Hierbei Wird Die entwicklung der wichtigsten erklärungsansätze als reaktion Auf theoretische veränderungen in den Nachbardisziplinen sowie der praktischen politik interpretiert. Die analyse wendet Sich dann der frage zu, Inwiefern Sich autokratische und Demokratische Außenpolitiken Unterscheiden Und Welche Bedeutung dabei internen institutionen, interessen sowie externen strukturen (machtrelationen, organisationen und Wertordnungen) Zukommt. | Der beitrag Verortet die Vergleichende Außenpolitikanalyse zunächst gegenüber den Internationalen Beziehungen Und anderen Wissenschaftsdisziplinen. Hierbei wird die entwicklung der wichtigsten erklärungsansätze als reaktion Auf Theoretische veränderungen in den Nachbardisziplinen sowie Der Praktischen politik interpretiert. Die analyse wendet Sich dann der frage zu, inwiefern sich autokratische und demokratische außenpolitiken Unterscheiden Und Welche Bedeutung Dabei Internen institutionen, interessen sowie externen strukturen (machtrelationen, organisationen und wertordnungen) zukommt. | Der Beitrag Verortet die Vergleichende Außenpolitikanalyse Zunächst Gegenüber Den Internationalen Beziehungen und Anderen Wissenschaftsdisziplinen. Hierbei Wird die Entwicklung der Wichtigsten Erklärungsansätze ALS Reaktion auf Theoretische Veränderungen in Den Nachbardisziplinen Sowie der Praktischen Politik Interpretiert. die Analyse Wendet Sich Dann der Frage zu, Inwiefern Sich Autokratische und Demokratische Außenpolitiken Unterscheiden und Welche Bedeutung Dabei Internen Institutionen, Interessen Sowie Externen Strukturen (Machtrelationen, Organisationen und Wertordnungen) Zukommt. |
| Analyses changing patterns of international military cooperation and assistance and shows that western Defence diplomacy is increasingly being directed towards new goals. The new defence diplomacy Runs alongside The old And there are tensions between the two, in particular between the new goal of promoting democracy and the old imperative of supporting authoritarian allies. | ANalyses chaNgiNg patterNs of iNterNatioNal military cooperatioN aNd assistaNce aNd shows that WesterN Defence diplomacy is increasingly being directed towards new goals. The new defence diplomacy Runs alongside The old And there are tensions between the two, in particular between the new goal of promoting democracy and the old imperative of supporting authoritarian allies. | Analyses changing patterns of international military cooperation and assistance and shows that Western defence diplomacy is increasingly being directed towards new goals. The new defence diplomacy runs alongside the old and there are tensions between the two, in particular between the new goal of promoting democracy and the old imperative of supporting authoritarian allies. |
| This chapter contains sections titled: The elusiveness of trust nationalism, resentment and disorientation curbing enthusiasms imagination and realism us capacity: possibilities and limits notes the elusiveness of trust nationalism, resentment and disorientation curbing enthusiasms imagination and realism us capacity: possibilities and limits notes | This chapter contains sections titled: The elusiveness of trust nationalism, resentment and disorientation curbing enthusiasms imagination and realism us capacity: possibilities and limits notes the elusiveness of trust nationalism, resentment and disorientation curbing enthusiasms imagination and realism us capacity: possibilities and limits notes | This chapter contains sections titled: the elusiveness of trust nationalism, resentment and Disorientation curbing enthusiasms imagination and realism us capacity: possibilities and limits notes the elusiveness of trust nationalism, resentment and Disorientation curbing enthusiasms imagination and realism us capacity: possibilities and limits notes |
| This report is the product of a center for naval analyses (cna) selfinitiated project to explore the evolution of the notions of military deterrence and influence in the new era emerging after the cold war. It was undertaken upon the initiative of robin pirie, then vice president for strategy and forces at cna, and presently the assistant secretary of the navy for installations and environment. | This report is the product of a center for naval analyses (cna) selfinitiated project to explore the evolution of the notions of military deterrence and influence in the new era emerging after the cold war. It was undertaken upon the initiative of Robin Pirie, then vice president for strategy and forces at Cna, and presently the assistant secretary of the navy for installations and environment. | This report is the product of a center for naval analyses (Cna) Selfinitiated project to explore the evolution of the notions of military deterrence and influence in the new era emerging after the cold war. It was undertaken upon the initiative of Robin Pirie, then vice president for strategy and forces at Cna, and presently the assistant Secretary of the Navy for installations and environment. |
| Many lessons from the multinational force and observer (mfo) mission to the sinai and The Multinational Force Ii (mnfii) mission to Lebanon Are relevant for future U.S. peacekeeping operations in Israel and the occupied territories (ot). A final peace between Israel and the Palestinians is a critical U.S. national interest and is unlikely to occur without a us-led international peacekeeping force. It is important that the U.S. begin to consider the strategic and operation requirements for this mission. Strategic conditions that assisted the success of the Mfo and challenged the mnfii mUst be considered before Us involvement in Israel and the ot. The commitment to the treaty of two viable parties, the reduction of external destabilizing influences, and the resolved leadership of the Us are the three essential strategic conditions needed. The operational environment of Israel and the ot more closely resembles that of 1982 Lebanon, with its urban and populated countryside, ethnic, religious, and political factions, and militias, terror organizations, and pronounced foreign influence. The sinai, on the other hand, presented a much larger area, with few urban areas, sparse population, and no internal divisions. Despite the differing operational environments, the Mfo and mnfii still provide relevant operational lessons for Israel and the ot. critical operational lessons are: the necessity of a clear and achievable mission, selecting an effective organization structure for the force, the importance of a unified and compact command structure, tailoring the force for the specific environment and assigned mission, the need for the force to be able to adapt to changes in the situation, and the benefit of maintaining impartiality in the conduct of the mission. | Many lessons from the multinational force and observer (Mfo) mission to the Sinai and the multinational force ii (Mnfii) mission to Lebanon Are relevant for future U.S. peacekeeping operations in Israel and the occupied territories (ot). A final peace between Israel and the Palestinians is a critical U.S. national interest and is unlikely to occur without a us-led international peacekeeping force. It is important that the U.S. begin to consider the strategic and operation requirements for this mission. Strategic conditions that assisted the success of the mfo and challenged the mnfii must be considered before us involvement in Israel and the ot. The commitment to the treaty of two viable parties, the reduction of external destabilizing influences, and the resolved leadership of the us are the three essential strategic conditions needed. The operational environment of Israel and the Ot more closely resembles that of 1982 Lebanon, with its urban and populated countryside, ethnic, religious, and political factions, and militias, terror organizations, and pronounced foreign influence. The Sinai, on the other hand, presented a much larger area, with few urban areas, sparse population, and no internal divisions. Despite the differing operational environments, the mfo and mnfii still provide relevant operational lessons for Israel and the Ot. critical operational lessons are: the necessity of a clear and achievable mission, selecting an effective organization structure for the force, the importance of a unified and compact command structure, tailoring the force for the specific environment and assigned mission, the need for the force to be able to adapt to changes in the situation, and the benefit of maintaining impartiality in the conduct of the mission. | Many lessons from the multinational force and observer (Mfo) mission to the Sinai and the multinational force II (Mnfii) mission to Lebanon are relevant for future U.S. peacekeeping operations in Israel and the occupied territories (ot). a final peace between Israel and the Palestinians is a critical U.S. national interest and is unlikely to occur without a Us-Led International peacekeeping force. It is important that the U.S. begin to consider the strategic and operation requirements for this mission. strategic conditions that assisted the success of the Mfo and challenged the Mnfii must be considered before us involvement in Israel and the ot. The commitment to the treaty of two viable parties, the reduction of external destabilizing influences, and the resolved leadership of the us are the three essential strategic conditions needed. The operational environment of Israel and the ot more closely resembles that of 1982 Lebanon, with its urban and populated countryside, ethnic, religious, and political factions, and Militias, terror organizations, and pronounced foreign influence. The Sinai, on the other hand, presented a much larger area, with few urban areas, sparse population, and no internal divisions. Despite the differing operational environments, the Mfo and Mnfii still provide relevant operational lessons for Israel and the ot. critical operational lessons are: the necessity of a clear and achievable mission, selecting an effective organization structure for the force, the importance of a unified and compact command structure, Tailoring the force for the specific environment and assigned mission, the need for the force to be able to adapt to changes in the situation, and the benefit of maintaining impartiality in the conduct of the mission. |
| When Russian tanks rolled into Chechnya in december 1994, Russian president boris yeltsin expected a quick and decisive end to his problems with the upstart republic. Instead, he found his country enmeshed in a hellish military and political quagmire with no solution in sight. This paper will examine Russia's national security strategy As it relates to Chechnya's bid for independence. It will also analyze the strategic road leading to the use of military power to resolve the crisis. The thesis of this discussion is that Yeltsin's decision to use military force against Chechnya supported Russia's national interests in a unified Russian federation. The military strategy ultimately succeeded despite a poor understanding of both the nature of the war and the will of the Chechen people. | When russian tanks rolled into Chechnya in December 1994, russian President Boris Yeltsin expected a quick and decisive end to his problems with the upstart republic. Instead, he found his country enmeshed in a hellish military and political quagmire with no solution in sight. This paper will examine Russia's national security strategy As it relates to chechnya's bid for independence. It will also analyze the strategic road leading to the use of military power to resolve the crisis. The thesis of this discussion is that Yeltsin's decision to use military force against Chechnya supported Russia's national interests in a unified russian federation. The military strategy ultimately succeeded despite a poor understanding of both the nature of the war and the will of the chechen people. | When Russian tanks rolled into Chechnya in December 1994, Russian President Boris Yeltsin expected a quick and decisive end to his problems with the Upstart Republic. Instead, he found his country enmeshed in a Hellish military and political quagmire with no solution in sight. This paper will examine Russia's national security strategy as it relates to Chechnya's bid for independence. It will also analyze the strategic road leading to the use of military power to resolve the crisis. The thesis of this discussion is that Yeltsin's decision to use military force against Chechnya supported Russia's national interests in a unified Russian Federation. The military strategy ultimately succeeded despite a poor understanding of both the nature of the war and the will of the Chechen people. |
| Der beitrag verortet die vergleichende Außenpolitikanalyse zunächst Gegenüber Den internationalen Beziehungen Und Anderen Wissenschaftsdisziplinen. Hierbei Wird Die entwicklung der wichtigsten erklärungsansätze als reaktion Auf theoretische veränderungen in den Nachbardisziplinen sowie der praktischen politik interpretiert. Die analyse wendet Sich dann der frage zu, Inwiefern Sich autokratische und Demokratische Außenpolitiken Unterscheiden Und Welche Bedeutung dabei internen institutionen, interessen sowie externen strukturen (machtrelationen, organisationen und Wertordnungen) Zukommt. | Der beitrag Verortet die Vergleichende Außenpolitikanalyse zunächst gegenüber den Internationalen Beziehungen Und anderen Wissenschaftsdisziplinen. Hierbei wird die entwicklung der wichtigsten erklärungsansätze als reaktion Auf Theoretische veränderungen in den Nachbardisziplinen sowie Der Praktischen politik interpretiert. Die analyse wendet Sich dann der frage zu, inwiefern sich autokratische und demokratische außenpolitiken Unterscheiden Und Welche Bedeutung Dabei Internen institutionen, interessen sowie externen strukturen (machtrelationen, organisationen und wertordnungen) zukommt. | Der Beitrag Verortet die Vergleichende Außenpolitikanalyse Zunächst Gegenüber Den Internationalen Beziehungen und Anderen Wissenschaftsdisziplinen. Hierbei Wird die Entwicklung der Wichtigsten Erklärungsansätze ALS Reaktion auf Theoretische Veränderungen in Den Nachbardisziplinen Sowie der Praktischen Politik Interpretiert. die Analyse Wendet Sich Dann der Frage zu, Inwiefern Sich Autokratische und Demokratische Außenpolitiken Unterscheiden und Welche Bedeutung Dabei Internen Institutionen, Interessen Sowie Externen Strukturen (Machtrelationen, Organisationen und Wertordnungen) Zukommt. |
| This chapter analyzes us policy in the balkans and focuses on the origins and evolution of us policy in the balkans during the early cold war. It looks at the breakdown of alliance solidarity on north atlantic Treaty organization's southern flank And examines the impact of the Yugoslav crisis on us interests and policy. The chapter assesses us policy Toward the southern balkans, especially Albania, Bulgaria and Romania. It also examines relations with Greece and also looks at future Us policy options in the balkans. As with us policy Toward Yugoslavia after 1948, American cultivation of Ceausescu was largely dictated by the desire To weaken Soviet hegemony in the balkans and eastern europe. The nixon administration's cozy relationship with the Greek colonels reinforced the impression that America, largely for strategic reasons, tacitly supported the dictatorship. Moreover, the administration never really articulated A coherent rationale for us interests in the conflict until late in the game. | This chapter analyzes us policy in the Balkans and focuses on the origins and evolution of us policy in the Balkans during the early cold war. It looks at the breakdown of alliance solidarity on North Atlantic Treaty organization's southern flank And examines the impact of the yugoslav crisis on us interests and policy. The chapter assesses us policy Toward the southern Balkans, especially Albania, Bulgaria and Romania. It also examines relations with Greece and also looks at future us policy options in the Balkans. As with us policy Toward Yugoslavia after 1948, american cultivation of ceausescu was largely dictated by the desire To weaken soviet hegemony in the Balkans and eastern Europe. The Nixon administration's cozy relationship with the greek colonels reinforced the impression that America, largely for strategic reasons, tacitly supported the dictatorship. Moreover, the administration never really articulated A coherent rationale for us interests in the conflict until late in the game. | This chapter analyzes us policy in the Balkans and focuses on the origins and evolution of us policy in the Balkans during the early cold war. It looks at the breakdown of alliance solidarity on North Atlantic Treaty organization's Southern flank and examines the impact of the Yugoslav crisis on us interests and policy. The chapter assesses us policy toward the Southern Balkans, especially Albania, Bulgaria and Romania. It also examines relations with Greece and also looks at future us policy options in the Balkans. As with us policy toward Yugoslavia after 1948, American cultivation of Ceausescu was largely dictated by the desire to weaken Soviet hegemony in the Balkans and Eastern Europe. The Nixon administration's cozy relationship with the Greek colonels reinforced the impression that America, largely for strategic reasons, tacitly supported the dictatorship. Moreover, the administration never really articulated a coherent rationale for us interests in the conflict until late in the game. |
| This article analyzes participant interviews and the photovoice project of 15 young disadvantaged mothers in pskov, Russia. The women's statements and Photovoice were part of a formative evaluation of the pskov positive parenting program, designed by The University Of Massachusetts Institute For Global Health (igh) and funded by usaid. The evaluation revealed that the program met its goal of helping the women learn sensitive caregiving behaviors. The mothers emphasized that the program met their need for social connection. The young mothers' participation in the positive social network of the group may have been a key ingredient to the program's success and may have implications for the design of parenting programs cross-culturally. | This article analyzes participant interviews and the photovoice project of 15 young disadvantaged mothers in Pskov, Russia. The women's statements and photovoice were part of a formative evaluation of the pskov positive parenting program, designed by the university of massachusetts institute for global health (igh) and funded by usaid. The evaluation revealed that the program met its goal of helping the women learn sensitive caregiving behaviors. The mothers emphasized that the program met their need for social connection. The young mothers' participation in the positive social network of the group may have been a key ingredient to the program's success and may have implications for the design of parenting programs cross-culturally. | This article analyzes participant interviews and the Photovoice project of 15 young disadvantaged mothers in Pskov, Russia. The women's statements and Photovoice were part of a formative evaluation of the Pskov positive parenting program, designed by the University of Massachusetts Institute for global health (Igh) and funded by Usaid. The evaluation revealed that the program met its goal of helping the women learn sensitive Caregiving behaviors. The mothers emphasized that the program met their need for social connection. The young mothers' participation in the positive social network of the group may have been a key ingredient to the program's success and may have implications for the design of parenting programs Cross-Culturally. |
| Book reviewed in this article: Ron robin, the making of the cold war enemy: culture and politics in the military‐intellectual complex | Book reviewed in this article: Ron Robin, the making of the cold war enemy: culture and politics in the military‐intellectual complex | Book reviewed in this article: Ron Robin, the making of the cold war enemy: culture and politics in the Military‐Intellectual complex |
| Based on a case study of the rand corporation, this shows how the uncertainties of us defense policies since the fall of the ussr can be understood and illustrated through an analysis of the evolution of the think tank community, and more particularly through a sociological study of the so-called defense intellectuals Such as the rand corporation. | Based on a case study of the Rand corporation, this shows how the uncertainties of us defense policies since the fall of the Ussr can be understood and illustrated through an analysis of the evolution of the think tank community, and more particularly through a sociological study of the so-called defense intellectuals Such as the Rand corporation. | Based on a case study of the rand corporation, this shows how the uncertainties of us defense policies since the fall of the USSR can be understood and illustrated through an analysis of the evolution of the think tank community, and more particularly through a sociological study of the so-called defense intellectuals such as the rand corporation. |
| The bibliography presents selective materials pertaining to the role of social science research in international and military policy and Operations since the beginning of world war ii. The bibliography lists 150 references to books, articles and reports, all of which are part of the open literature. The references are annotated. The report also contains an introduction which discusses the purpose of the bibliography, its scope, the sources from which the works cited are drawn and some limitations of the available literature. The bibliography is divided into five parts. Part i lists general works discussing the role of social science research in public policy. Part ii lists work which show the trends in the relationship of government and the social science community in the area of international and military affairs Since the beginning of world war ii. Parts iii and iv list literature which suggests some analytic categories to be used in studying social science research and international and military policy. Part v, finally, contains writings which give a theoretical Perspective on the roles of applied social science. | The bibliography presents selective materials pertaining to the role of social science research in international and military policy and Operations since the beginning of world war ii. The bibliography lists 150 references to books, articles and reports, all of which are part of the open literature. The references are annotated. The report also contains an introduction which discusses the purpose of the bibliography, its scope, the sources from which the works cited are drawn and some limitations of the available literature. The bibliography is divided into five parts. Part i lists general works discussing the role of social science research in public policy. Part ii lists work which show the trends in the relationship of government and the social science community in the area of international and military affairs Since the beginning of world war ii. Parts iii and iv list literature which suggests some analytic categories to be used in studying social science research and international and military policy. Part v, finally, contains writings which give a theoretical Perspective on the roles of applied social science. | The bibliography presents selective materials pertaining to the role of social science research in international and military policy and operations since the beginning of World War II. The bibliography lists 150 references to books, articles and reports, all of which are part of the open literature. The references are Annotated. The report also contains an introduction which discusses the purpose of the bibliography, its scope, the sources from which the works cited are drawn and some limitations of the available literature. The bibliography is divided into five parts. part I lists general works discussing the role of social science research in public policy. part II lists work which show the trends in the relationship of government and the social science community in the area of International and military affairs since the beginning of World War II. parts III and IV list literature which suggests some analytic categories to be used in studying social science research and international and military policy. part V, finally, contains writings which give a theoretical perspective on the roles of applied social science. |
| In this book, senior scholars and a new generation of analysts present different applications of recent advances linking beliefs and decision-making in the area of foreign policy analysis with strategic interactions in world politics. Divided into five parts, part 1 identifies how the beliefs in the cognitive operational codes of individual leaders explain the political decisions of states. In part 2, five chapters illUstrate progress in comparing the operational codes of individual leaders, including vladimir putin of RUssia, three Us presidents, Bolivian president evo morales, Sri Lanka'S president chandrika kumaratunga, and varioUs leaders of terrorist organizations operating in the middle east and North Africa. Part 3 introduces a new psychological characteristics of leaders (psycl) data set containing the operational codes of Us presidents from the early 1800s to the present. In part 4, the focus is on strategic interactions among dyads and evolutionary patterns among states in different regional and world systems. Part 5 revisits whether the contents of the preceding chapters support the claims about the links between beliefs and foreign policy roles in world politics. Richly illustrated and with comprehensive analysis operational code analysis and foreign policy roles will be of interest to specialists in foreign policy analysis, international relations theorists, graduate students, and national security analysts in the policy-making and intelligence communities. | In this book, senior scholars and a new generation of analysts present different applications of recent advances linking beliefs and decision-making in the area of foreign policy analysis with strategic interactions in world politics. Divided into five parts, part 1 identifies how the beliefs in the cognitive operational codes of individual leaders explain the political decisions of states. In part 2, five chapters illustrate progress in comparing the operational codes of individual leaders, including Vladimir Putin of Russia, three us Presidents, bolivian President evo morales, Sri Lanka's President Chandrika Kumaratunga, and various leaders of terrorist organizations operating in the middle east and north Africa. Part 3 introduces a new psychological characteristics of leaders (psycl) data set containing the operational codes of us presidents from the early 1800s to the present. In part 4, the focus is on strategic interactions among dyads and evolutionary patterns among states in different regional and world systems. Part 5 revisits whether the contents of the preceding chapters support the claims about the links between beliefs and foreign policy roles in world politics. Richly illustrated and with comprehensive analysis operational code analysis and foreign policy roles will be of interest to specialists in foreign policy analysis, international relations theorists, graduate students, and national security analysts in the policy-making and intelligence communities. | In this book, senior scholars and a new generation of analysts present different applications of recent advances linking beliefs and decision-making in the area of foreign policy analysis with strategic interactions in world politics. divided into five parts, part 1 identifies how the beliefs in the cognitive operational codes of individual leaders explain the political decisions of States. in part 2, five chapters illustrate progress in comparing the operational codes of individual leaders, including Vladimir Putin of Russia, three us Presidents, Bolivian President Evo Morales, Sri Lanka's president Chandrika Kumaratunga, and various leaders of terrorist organizations operating in the Middle East and North Africa. part 3 introduces a new psychological characteristics of leaders (Psycl) data set containing the operational codes of us Presidents from the early 1800S to the present. in part 4, the focus is on strategic interactions among Dyads and evolutionary patterns among States in different regional and world systems. part 5 Revisits whether the contents of the preceding chapters support the claims about the links between beliefs and foreign policy roles in world politics. richly illustrated and with comprehensive analysis operational code analysis and foreign policy roles will be of interest to specialists in foreign policy analysis, international relations theorists, graduate students, and national security analysts in the policy-making and intelligence communities. |
| The war in Bosnia-Hercegovina of 1992–1995 altered the course of world politics and had a major impact upon the global consciousness. Yet one of the decisive episodes of this war has been almost wholly ignored in the existing literature: The bihać crisis of autumn 1994. This essay analyzes The role of this crisis in determining the course both of international, particularly us diplomacy, and of the war on the ground. The paradoxical results of the Us-led international intervention in Bosnia—of Nato military power being Used to coerce the Bosnian Serb rebels to accept A settlement highly favorable to them, in which Bosnia-Hercegovina was simultaneously both reunified and partitioned—may be traced back to this forgotten crisis. | The war in bosnia-hercegovina of 1992–1995 altered the course of world politics and had a major impact upon the global consciousness. Yet one of the decisive episodes of this war has been almost wholly ignored in the existing literature: The bihać crisis of Autumn 1994. This essay analyzes The role of this crisis in determining the course both of international, particularly us diplomacy, and of the war on the ground. The paradoxical results of the us-led international intervention in bosnia—of Nato military power being used to coerce the bosnian serb rebels to accept A settlement highly favorable to them, in which bosnia-hercegovina was simultaneously both reunified and partitioned—may be traced back to this forgotten crisis. | The war in Bosnia-Hercegovina of 1992–1995 altered the course of world politics and had a major impact upon the global consciousness. Yet one of the decisive episodes of this war has been almost wholly ignored in the existing literature: the Bihać crisis of autumn 1994. This essay analyzes the role of this crisis in determining the course both of International, particularly us diplomacy, and of the war on the ground. The paradoxical results of the Us-Led International intervention in Bosnia—Of NATO military power being used to coerce the Bosnian Serb rebels to accept a settlement highly favorable to them, in which Bosnia-Hercegovina was simultaneously both Reunified and Partitioned—May be traced back to this forgotten crisis. |
| An examination of why Russia chose to jeopardize its embryonic partnership with the west in favour of alignment with states like China, Iran and Iraq and what this means for the stability of the emerging international system. | An examination of why Russia chose to jeopardize its embryonic partnership with the west in favour of alignment with states like China, Iran and Iraq and what this means for the stability of the emerging international system. | An examination of why Russia chose to jeopardize its embryonic partnership with the West in favour of alignment with States like China, Iran and Iraq and what this means for the stability of the emerging international system. |
| This book describes strategic culture and its value as a methodological approach to the study of international relations. In particular, the book uses strategic culture to illuminate A number of case studies on countries that have made decisions regarding the acquisition, proliferation or use of weapons of mass destruction. | This book describes strategic culture and its value as a methodological approach to the study of international relations. In particular, the book uses strategic culture to illuminate A number of case studies on countries that have made decisions regarding the acquisition, proliferation or use of weapons of mass destruction. | This book describes strategic culture and its value as a methodological approach to the study of international relations. In particular, the book uses strategic culture to illuminate a number of case studies on countries that have made decisions regarding the acquisition, proliferation or use of weapons of mass destruction. |
| Rangsimaporn argues that Russia aspires to become a great power and tries to achieve this through utilizing its position as a Eurasian country, with vast territories in east asia, its economic assets, primarily arms and energy, and careful management of its role in a multipolar east asia with a complex balance of power. | Rangsimaporn argues that Russia aspires to become a great power and tries to achieve this through utilizing its position as a eurAsian country, with vast territories in east Asia, its economic assets, primarily arms and energy, and careful management of its role in a multipolar east Asia with a complex balance of power. | Rangsimaporn argues that Russia aspires to become a great power and tries to achieve this through utilizing its position as a Eurasian country, with vast territories in East Asia, its economic assets, primarily arms and energy, and careful management of its role in a Multipolar East Asia with a complex balance of power. |
| The routledge handbook of Russian security offers A comprehensive collection of essays on all aspects of Russian security and foreign policy by international scholars from across the world. The volume identifies key contemporary topics of research and debate and takes into account The changes that have occurred in the study of Russian security strategy since the end of the cold war. The handbook is organised into five sections: The theory and nature of Russian security policy The domestic and foreign policy nexus instruments Used by Russia in pursuing its security global and regional aspects of Russian security and foreign policy case studies of Russian involvement in a series of security conflicts. The theory and nature of Russian security policy The domestic and foreign policy nexus instruments Used by Russia in pursuing its security global and regional aspects of Russian security and foreign policy case studies of Russian involvement in a series of security conflicts. The book concludes with case studies of the major examples of Russian involvement and operations in a series of security conflicts, including that in Georgia, the intervention in Ukraine and occupation of crimea, and the ongoing civil war in Syria. This volume will be of great interest to students of Russian security, strategic studies, foreign policy, European politics, and international relations in general. | The routledge handbook of russian security offers A comprehensive collection of essays on all aspects of russian security and foreign policy by international scholars from across the world. The volume identifies key contemporary topics of research and debate and takes into account The changes that have occurred in the study of russian security strategy since the end of the cold war. The handbook is organised into five sections: The theory and nature of russian security policy The domestic and foreign policy nexus instruments Used by Russia in pursuing its security global and regional aspects of Russian security and foreign policy case studies of Russian involvement in a series of security conflicts. The theory and nature of russian security policy The domestic and foreign policy nexus instruments Used by Russia in pursuing its security global and regional aspects of Russian security and foreign policy case studies of Russian involvement in a series of security conflicts. The book concludes with case studies of the major examples of russian involvement and operations in a series of security conflicts, including that in Georgia, the intervention in Ukraine and occupation of Crimea, and the ongoing civil war in Syria. This volume will be of great interest to students of russian security, strategic studies, foreign policy, european politics, and international relations in general. | The Routledge Handbook of Russian security offers a comprehensive collection of essays on all aspects of Russian security and foreign policy by international scholars from across the world. The volume identifies key contemporary topics of research and debate and takes into account the changes that have occurred in the study of Russian security strategy since the end of the cold war. The Handbook is organised into five sections: the theory and nature of Russian security policy the domestic and foreign policy nexus instruments used by Russia in pursuing its security global and regional aspects of Russian security and foreign policy case studies of Russian involvement in a series of security conflicts. The theory and nature of Russian security policy the domestic and foreign policy nexus instruments used by Russia in pursuing its security global and regional aspects of Russian security and foreign policy case studies of Russian involvement in a series of security conflicts. The book concludes with case studies of the major examples of Russian involvement and operations in a series of security conflicts, including that in Georgia, the intervention in Ukraine and occupation of Crimea, and the ongoing Civil war in Syria. This volume will be of great interest to students of Russian security, strategic studies, foreign policy, European politics, and international relations in general. |
| The Russian budget process has received little detailed attention In academic literature. Here various key aspects of the formation of the federal budget, largely since vladimir putin began his third presidential term in 2012, Are examined. It is primarily the writing of the expenditure side of the budget which is described, that is, how it is decided how much money is spent on what. While ample information is provided on budgetary outcomes, the focus Is on the process: the issues faced by budget makers, the actors and institutions involved, and the formal and informal procedures that lead to outcomes. It is not the task of the volume to provide an analysis of the wisdom or effectiveness of particular budget allocations; its goal is to provide some judgement On The effectiveness of the process. Chapters are offered on the budgetary process As it relates to the two main claimants on federal budget funding, the social and defence sectors. Three chapters then examine the major locations of budgetary policy-making: the executive (at presidential and cabinet of ministers levels), the duma, and the expert community. This book was originally published As a special issue of post-communist economies. | The russian budget process has received little detailed attention In academic literature. Here various key aspects of the formation of the federal budget, largely since Vladimir Putin began his third presidential term in 2012, Are examined. It is primarily the writing of the expenditure side of the budget which is described, that is, how it is decided how much money is spent on what. While ample information is provided on budgetary outcomes, the focus Is on the process: the issues faced by budget makers, the actors and institutions involved, and the formal and informal procedures that lead to outcomes. It is not the task of the volume to provide an analysis of the wisdom or effectiveness of particular budget allocations; its goal is to provide some judgement On The effectiveness of the process. Chapters are offered on the budgetary process As it relates to the two main claimants on federal budget funding, the social and defence sectors. Three chapters then examine the major locations of budgetary policy-making: the executive (at presidential and cabinet of ministers levels), the duma, and the expert community. This book was originally published As a special issue of post-communist economies. | The Russian budget process has received little detailed attention in academic literature. Here various key aspects of the formation of the Federal budget, largely since Vladimir Putin began his third Presidential term in 2012, are examined. It is primarily the writing of the expenditure side of the budget which is described, that is, how it is decided how much money is spent on what. While ample information is provided on budgetary outcomes, the focus is on the process: the issues faced by budget makers, the actors and institutions involved, and the formal and informal procedures that lead to outcomes. It is not the task of the volume to provide an analysis of the wisdom or effectiveness of particular budget allocations; its goal is to provide some judgement on the effectiveness of the process. chapters are offered on the budgetary process as it relates to the two main claimants on Federal budget funding, the social and defence sectors. Three chapters then examine the major locations of budgetary policy-making: the executive (at presidential and cabinet of ministers levels), the Duma, and the expert community. This book was originally published as a special issue of Post-Communist economies. |
| The last two decades have seen a revival in work that takes the role of individual leaders and elites seriously. This article surveys new research that explores how biographical factors Influence Their behavior. We call this literature the personal biography approach to political leadership. Our survey first lays out four mechanisms through which biographical characteristics might affect leader behavior. We then discuss the main findings, grouping them according to socializing experiences (e.g., education, military service, and prior occupation) and ascriptive traits (e.g., gender, race, and ethnicity). We also consider the methodological problems, especially endogeneity and selection effects, that pose challenges to this style of research. We conclude with an assessment of gaps in the literature and provide suggestions for future work in the biographical vein. | The last two decades have seen a revival in work that takes the role of individual leaders and elites seriously. This article surveys new research that explores how biographical factors Influence Their behavior. We call this literature the personal biography approach to political leadership. Our survey first lays out four mechanisms through which biographical characteristics might affect leader behavior. We then discuss the main findings, grouping them according to socializing experiences (e.g., education, military service, and prior occupation) and ascriptive traits (e.g., gender, race, and ethnicity). We also consider the methodological problems, especially endogeneity and selection effects, that pose challenges to this style of research. We conclude with an assessment of gaps in the literature and provide suggestions for future work in the biographical vein. | The last two decades have seen a revival in work that takes the role of individual leaders and Elites seriously. This article surveys new research that EXPLORES how biographical factors influence their behavior. We call this literature the personal biography approach to political leadership. Our survey first lays out four mechanisms through which biographical characteristics might affect leader behavior. We then discuss the main findings, grouping them according to Socializing experiences (e.g., education, military service, and prior occupation) and Ascriptive traits (e.g., gender, race, and Ethnicity). We also consider the methodological problems, especially Endogeneity and selection effects, that pose challenges to this style of research. We conclude with an assessment of gaps in the literature and provide suggestions for future work in the biographical vein. |
| Although the presidency of dmitry medvedev is often seen as a continuation of vladimir putin's presidency, with the same policies applied in the same way, this book disagrees, arguing that medvedev's foreign policy was significantly different from putin's. the book considers especially the relationship between Russia and the euro-atlantic security configuration, including both Nato and the organisation for security and co-operation in europe, a relationship of great importance to Russia, given constant attention. It discusses a wide variety of issues, including "frozen conflicts", security co-operation and nuclear weapons reductions, highlights the different tone and approach under medvedev, exemplified especially by his draft European security treaty, and shows how After putin's return to the presidency There has been a shift in foreign policy, with much great emphasis On influencing Russia's immediate neighbours and on Eurasian union, and less emphasis on rapprochement and co-operation. | Although the presidency of Dmitry Medvedev is often seen as a continuation of Vladimir Putin's presidency, with the same policies applied in the same way, this book disagrees, arguing that Medvedev's foreign policy was significantly different from Putin's. the book considers especially the relationship between russia and the euro-atlantic security configuration, including both nato and the organisation for security and co-operation in europe, a relationship of great importance to russia, given constant attention. It discusses a wide variety of issues, including "frozen conflicts", security co-operation and nuclear weapons reductions, highlights the different tone and approach under Medvedev, exemplified especially by his draft european security treaty, and shows how After Putin's return to the presidency There has been a shift in foreign policy, with much great emphasis On influencing Russia's immediate neighbours and on eurasian union, and less emphasis on rapprochement and co-operation. | Although the Presidency of Dmitry Medvedev is often seen as a continuation of Vladimir Putin's Presidency, with the same policies applied in the same way, this book disagrees, arguing that Medvedev's foreign policy was significantly different from Putin's. The book considers especially the relationship between Russia and the Euro-Atlantic security configuration, including both NATO and the Organisation for security and co-operation in Europe, a relationship of great importance to Russia, given constant attention. It discusses a wide variety of issues, including "frozen conflicts", security co-operation and nuclear weapons reductions, highlights the different tone and approach under Medvedev, exemplified especially by his draft European security treaty, and shows how after Putin's return to the Presidency there has been a shift in foreign policy, with much great emphasis on influencing Russia's immediate neighbours and on Eurasian Union, and less emphasis on rapprochement and co-operation. |
| Why did Russia's relations with the west shift from cooperation a few decades ago to a new era of confrontation today? Some explanations focus narrowly on changes in the balance of power in the international system, or trace historic parallels and cultural continuities in Russian international behavior. For a complete understanding of Russian foreign policy today, individuals, ideas, and institutions—president vladimir putin, Putinism, and autocracy—must be added to the analysis. An examination of three cases of recent Russian intervention (in Ukraine in 2014, Syria in 2015, and The United States in 2016) illuminates the causal influence of these domestic determinants in the making of Russian foreign policy. | Why did Russia's relations with the west shift from cooperation a few decades ago to a new era of confrontation today? Some explanations focus narrowly on changes in the balance of power in the international system, or trace historic parallels and cultural continuities in russian international behavior. For a complete understanding of russian foreign policy today, individuals, ideas, and institutions—president Vladimir Putin, Putinism, and autocracy—must be added to the analysis. An examination of three cases of recent russian intervention (in Ukraine in 2014, Syria in 2015, and the United States in 2016) illuminates the causal influence of these domestic determinants in the making of russian foreign policy. | Why did Russia's relations with the West shift from cooperation a few decades ago to a new era of confrontation today? some explanations focus narrowly on changes in the balance of power in the International system, or trace historic parallels and cultural continuities in Russian International behavior. for a complete understanding of Russian foreign policy today, individuals, ideas, and Institutions—President Vladimir Putin, Putinism, and Autocracy—Must be added to the analysis. An examination of three cases of recent Russian intervention (in Ukraine in 2014, Syria in 2015, and the United States in 2016) Illuminates the causal influence of these domestic determinants in the making of Russian foreign policy. |
| Military analysts have focused on the problems of war initiation and conduct while largely ignoring the problem of how to terminate war On acceptable terms. This paper attempts to define the necessary conditions for war termination and proposes a framework for assessing alternative strategies.deterrence and limited war theories suggest Three war termination strategies: (1) attrition of warfighting capabilities; (2) protracted stalemate; and (3) coercive threats of unacceptable damage. A review of recent armed conflicts indicates the limitations on effective pursuit of these strategies and reveals An alternative formulation of the conditions necessary for effective war termination strategies. Based on these notions, current U.S. force posture and force employment doctrines Are evaluated in terms of their consistency with war termination requirements. Finally, an agenda of issues related to the development of war termination strategies is proposed. | Military analysts have focused on the problems of war initiation and conduct while largely ignoring the problem of how to terminate war On acceptable terms. This paper attempts to define the necessary conditions for war termination and proposes a framework for assessing alternative strategies.deterrence and limited war theories suggest Three war termination strategies: (1) attrition of warfighting capabilities; (2) protracted stalemate; and (3) coercive threats of unacceptable damage. A review of recent armed conflicts indicates the limitations on effective pursuit of these strategies and reveals An alternative formulation of the conditions necessary for effective war termination strategies. Based on these notions, current U.S. force posture and force employment doctrines Are evaluated in terms of their consistency with war termination requirements. Finally, an agenda of issues related to the development of war termination strategies is proposed. | Military analysts have focused on the problems of war initiation and conduct while largely ignoring the problem of how to terminate war on acceptable terms. This paper attempts to define the necessary conditions for war termination and proposes a framework for assessing alternative Strategies.Deterrence and limited war theories suggest three war termination strategies: (1) attrition of Warfighting capabilities; (2) protracted stalemate; and (3) coercive threats of unacceptable damage. a review of recent armed conflicts indicates the limitations on effective pursuit of these strategies and reveals an alternative formulation of the conditions necessary for effective war termination strategies. based on these notions, current U.S. force posture and force employment doctrines are evaluated in terms of their consistency with war termination requirements. Finally, an agenda of issues related to the development of war termination strategies is proposed. |
| Andrew marshall devoted his considerable intellectual talents and the entirety of his long adult life to help protect and further America's national interests. Yet he remains an enigma to all but his closest associates. To date, no one has published A book-length biographical account of America's longest serving defense intellectual. Unless his story is captured, marshall is at risk of becoming the fox conner of his generation: A man who profoundly influenced a generation of thinkers yet is largely forgotten by history. This paper is an attempt to negate that risk by answering the central and compelling question who is andy marshall? Marshall's extensive professional career began At rand in 1949, where he contributed to the creation of a community of civilian defense Strategists attempting to divine changes to the very nature of warfare in the new atomic age. After a brief sojourn working for henry kissinger On The National Security Council in the early 1970s, he moved to The Department Of Defense and has served as the sole director of the office of net assessment (ona) since october 1973. In government service, marshall has projected and sustained influence in defense policy Circles while serving eight presidents and 12 defense secretaries. By the time he entered civil service, most of marshall's formative ideas about the practice of net assessment and his unique understanding of organizational behavior had emerged. Instinctively multidisciplinary, marshall accrued A multitude of ostensibly different analytic lenses. These lenses, layered upon one another, provided him A kaleidoscopic view and masterful understanding of strategy. Thus, to understand marshall's unique perspective on the process of net assessment, one is best served by studying the evolution of his thought prior to the establishment of Ona. The story of this journey, of marshall's growth and maturation As a strategist, is the focus of this biography. | Andrew Marshall devoted his considerable intellectual talents and the entirety of his long adult life to help protect and further America's national interests. Yet he remains an enigma to all but his closest associates. To date, no one has published A book-length biographical account of America's longest serving defense intellectual. Unless his story is captured, Marshall is at risk of becoming the Fox conner of his generation: A man who profoundly influenced a generation of thinkers yet is largely forgotten by history. This paper is an attempt to negate that risk by answering the central and compelling question who is Andy Marshall? Marshall's extensive professional career began At Rand in 1949, where he contributed to the creation of a community of civilian defense Strategists attempting to divine changes to the very nature of warfare in the new atomic age. After a brief sojourn working for Henry kissinger On the natiOnal security council in the early 1970s, he moved to the department of defense and has served as the sole director of the office of net assessment (Ona) since October 1973. In government service, Marshall has projected and sustained influence in defense policy Circles while serving eight presidents and 12 defense secretaries. By the time he entered civil service, most of Marshall's formative ideas about the practice of net assessment and his unique understanding of organizational behavior had emerged. Instinctively multidisciplinary, marshall accrued A multitude of ostensibly different analytic lenses. These lenses, layered upon one another, provided him A kaleidoscopic view and masterful understanding of strategy. Thus, to understand Marshall's unique perspective on the process of net assessment, one is best served by studying the evolution of his thought prior to the establishment of Ona. The story of this journey, of Marshall's growth and maturation As a strategist, is the focus of this biography. | Andrew Marshall devoted his considerable intellectual talents and the entirety of his long adult life to help protect and further America's national interests. Yet he remains an enigma to all but his closest Associates. to date, no one has published a Book-Length biographical account of America's longest serving defense intellectual. Unless his story is captured, Marshall is at risk of becoming the Fox Conner of his generation: a man who profoundly influenced a generation of thinkers yet is largely forgotten by history. This paper is an attempt to negate that risk by answering the central and compelling question who is Andy Marshall? Marshall's extensive professional career began at rand in 1949, where he contributed to the creation of a community of civilian defense strategists attempting to divine changes to the very nature of warfare in the new atomic age. after a brief sojourn working for Henry Kissinger on the national security Council in the early 1970s, he moved to the Department of defense and has served as the sole director of the office of net assessment (Ona) since October 1973. in government service, Marshall has projected and sustained influence in defense policy circles while serving eight Presidents and 12 defense secretaries. by the time he entered civil service, most of Marshall's formative ideas about the practice of net assessment and his unique understanding of organizational behavior had emerged. instinctively Multidisciplinary, Marshall accrued a multitude of ostensibly different analytic lenses. These lenses, layered upon one another, provided him a Kaleidoscopic view and masterful understanding of strategy. Thus, to understand Marshall's unique perspective on the process of net assessment, one is best served by studying the evolution of his thought prior to the establishment of Ona. The story of this journey, of Marshall's growth and maturation as a strategist, is the focus of this biography. |
| Icontemporary security has expanded its meaning, content and structure in response to globalisation and the emergence of greatly improved world-wide communication. The protocols of modern warfare, including targeted killing, enhanced interrogations, mass electronic surveillance and the virtualisation of war have changed the moral landscape and brought diverse new interactions with politics, law, religion, ethics and technology. This book addresses how and why the nature of security has changed and what this means for the security actors involved and the wider society. Offering a cross-disciplinary perspective On concepts, meanings and categories of security, the book brings together scholars and experts from a range of disciplines including political, military studies and security studies, political economy and international relations. Contributors reflect upon new communication methods, postmodern concepts of warfare, technological determinants and cultural preferences to provide new theoretical and analytical insights into a changing security environment and the protocols of war in the 21st century. A useful text for scholars and students of security studies, international relations, global governance, international law and ethics, foreign policy, comparative studies and contemporary world history. | Icontemporary security has expanded its meaning, content and structure in response to globalisation and the emergence of greatly improved world-wide communication. The protocols of modern warfare, including targeted killing, enhanced interrogations, mass electronic surveillance and the virtualisation of war have changed the moral landscape and brought diverse new interactions with politics, law, religion, ethics and technology. This book addresses how and why the nature of security has changed and what this means for the security actors involved and the wider society. Offering a cross-disciplinary perspective On concepts, meanings and categories of security, the book brings together scholars and experts from a range of disciplines including political, military studies and security studies, political economy and international relations. Contributors reflect upon new communication methods, postmodern concepts of warfare, technological determinants and cultural preferences to provide new theoretical and analytical insights into a changing security environment and the protocols of war in the 21st century. A useful text for scholars and students of security studies, international relations, global governance, international law and ethics, foreign policy, comparative studies and contemporary world history. | Icontemporary security has expanded its meaning, content and structure in response to Globalisation and the emergence of greatly improved world-wide communication. The protocols of modern warfare, including targeted killing, enhanced Interrogations, mass electronic surveillance and the Virtualisation of war have changed the moral landscape and brought diverse new interactions with politics, law, religion, ethics and technology. This book addresses how and why the nature of security has changed and what this means for the security actors involved and the wider society. offering a Cross-Disciplinary perspective on concepts, meanings and categories of security, the book brings together scholars and experts from a range of disciplines including political, military studies and security studies, political economy and international relations. contributors reflect upon new communication methods, Postmodern concepts of warfare, technological determinants and cultural preferences to provide new theoretical and Analytical insights into a changing security environment and the protocols of war in the 21st century. A useful text for scholars and students of security studies, international relations, global Governance, international law and ethics, foreign policy, comparative studies and contemporary world history. |
| Of all the assumptions pervading the conventional wisdom about Russian foreign policy few have been more universally accepted than Russia's supposed opposition to Nato expansion. Because Russia's principal source of profit has come from rental value of natural resources from the world market, Russia's foreign policy has largely been Conducted in the interests of the exporters of those resources. Compliance with Nato expansion, Moscow's decision-makers apparently believe, can only promote the pecuniary interests of that group. Given this dynamic, and confirmed by an examination of the historical record, i conclude that Moscow's leaders have acquiesced to and even supported Nato expansion. | Of all the assumptions pervading the conventional wisdom about Russian foreign policy few have been more universally accepted than Russia's supposed opposition to Nato expansion. Because Russia's principal source of profit has come from rental value of natural resources from the world market, Russia's foreign policy has largely been Conducted in the interests of the exporters of those resources. Compliance with nato expansion, Moscow's decision-makers apparently believe, can only promote the pecuniary interests of that group. Given this dynamic, and confirmed by an examination of the historical record, i conclude that Moscow's leaders have acquiesced to and even supported Nato expansion. | Of all the assumptions pervading the conventional wisdom about Russian foreign policy few have been more universally accepted than Russia's supposed opposition to NATO expansion. Because Russia's principal source of profit has come from rental value of natural resources from the world market, Russia's foreign policy has largely been conducted in the interests of the exporters of those resources. compliance with NATO expansion, Moscow's Decision-Makers apparently believe, can only promote the Pecuniary interests of that group. given this dynamic, and confirmed by an examination of the historical record, I conclude that Moscow's leaders have acquiesced to and even supported NATO expansion. |
| Images of a new great game have caught the imagination of commentators on central asia and the transcaucasus following the unravelling of The Soviet Union. Rudyard kipling had originally coined the term. When referring to rivalry in central asia between Britain and tsarist Russia. This chapter examines whether there is a new great game in the transcaucasus. Such a great game would be based to a large extent on pipeline politics. The transcaucasus refers specifically to the territory of three states, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. These states have links with Post-Soviet central asia and with the republics of the northern caucasus which form the southernmost portion of The Russian Federation. Many in Moscow are thus sensitive about developments in the transcaucasus. | Images of a new great game have caught the imagination of commentators on central Asia and the transcaucasus following the unravelling of the soviet union. Rudyard Kipling had originally coined the term. When referring to rivalry in central Asia between Britain and Tsarist Russia. This chapter examines whether there is a new great game in the transcaucasus. Such a great game would be based to a large extent on pipeline politics. The transcaucasus refers specifically to the territory of three states, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. These states have links with post-soviet central Asia and with the republics of the northern Caucasus which form the southernmost portion of the russian federation. Many in Moscow are thus sensitive about developments in the transcaucasus. | Images of a new great game have caught the imagination of commentators on central Asia and the Transcaucasus following the Unravelling of the Soviet Union. Rudyard Kipling had originally coined the term. When referring to rivalry in central Asia between Britain and Tsarist Russia. This chapter examines whether there is a new great game in the Transcaucasus. such a great game would be based to a large extent on pipeline politics. The Transcaucasus refers specifically to the territory of three States, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. These States have links with Post-Soviet central Asia and with the Republics of the northern Caucasus which form the Southernmost portion of the Russian Federation. Many in Moscow are thus sensitive about developments in the Transcaucasus. |
| The analysis of any human concept is infinitely and inevitably complicated by the mental processes of the original user and the investigator. Dedication to objectivity by the analyst can usually prevent only the more obvious, and not always the most important, psycho-cultural pressures which condition or determine both the content and the method of the analysis, to say nothing of its purpose and material. In turn, the concept under examination, even though it is necessarily rendered an object isolate for intensive review, remains and must be treated as essentially a living precipitate of the entire environment in which it was born and nourished. | The analysis of any human concept is infinitely and inevitably complicated by the mental processes of the original user and the investigator. Dedication to objectivity by the analyst can usually prevent only the more obvious, and not always the most important, psycho-cultural pressures which condition or determine both the content and the method of the analysis, to say nothing of its purpose and material. In turn, the concept under examination, even though it is necessarily rendered an object isolate for intensive review, remains and must be treated as essentially a living precipitate of the entire environment in which it was born and nourished. | The analysis of any human concept is infinitely and inevitably complicated by the mental processes of the original user and the investigator. dedication to objectivity by the analyst can usually prevent only the more obvious, and not always the most important, Psycho-Cultural pressures which condition or determine both the content and the method of the analysis, to say nothing of its purpose and material. in turn, the concept under examination, even though it is necessarily rendered an object isolate for intensive review, remains and must be treated as essentially a living precipitate of the entire environment in which it was born and nourished. |
| After a period of relative weakness and isolation during most of the 1990s, Russia is again appearing as a major security player in world politics. This book provides A comprehensive assessment of Russia's current security situation, addressing such questions as: what kind of player is Russia in the field of security? What is the essence of its security policy? What are the sources, capabilities and priorities of its security policy? What are the prospects for the future? One important conclusion to emerge is that, while Russian foreign policy under putin has become more pragmatic and responsive to both problems and opportunities, the growing lack of checks and balances in domestic politics makes political integration with the west difficult and gives the president great freedom in applying Russia's growing power abroad. | After a period of relative weakness and isolation during most of the 1990s, Russia is again appearing as a major security player in world politics. This book provides A comprehensive assessment of Russia's current security situation, addressing such questions as: what kind of player is Russia in the field of security? What is the essence of its security policy? What are the sources, capabilities and priorities of its security policy? What are the prospects for the future? One important conclusion to emerge is that, while Russian foreign policy under Putin has become more pragmatic and responsive to both problems and opportunities, the growing lack of checks and balances in domestic politics makes political integration with the west difficult and gives the president great freedom in applying Russia's growing power abroad. | After a period of relative weakness and isolation during most of the 1990s, Russia is again appearing as a major security Player in world politics. This book provides a comprehensive assessment of Russia's current security situation, addressing such questions as: what kind of Player is Russia in the field of security? What is the essence of its security policy? What are the sources, capabilities and priorities of its security policy? What are the prospects for the future? one important conclusion to emerge is that, while Russian foreign policy under Putin has become more pragmatic and responsive to both problems and opportunities, the growing lack of checks and balances in domestic politics makes political integration with the West difficult and gives the President great freedom in applying Russia's growing power abroad. |
| First published in 1996. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company. | First published in 1996. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company. | First published in 1996. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an Informa company. |
| This open access book examines Russia-china relations across a variety of civilian and military areas of cooperation. Leading experts in the field present empirical case studies covering a wide range of strategic cooperation areas between Russia and China, such as technological, military, economic and political cooperation. The contributing authors shed new light on Chinese and Russian strategic goals, external push and pull factors, and mutual perception shifts, and discuss the options for western countries to influence This development. This book analyses the evolution of the relationship since the watershed moment of the crimean crisis in 2014, and Whether or not a full-blown military alliance, as hinted in late 2020 by president putin, is indeed a realistic scenario for which Nato will have to prepare. It will appeal to students and scholars of international relations, political decision-makers, As well as anyone interested in Eurasian politics and the potential military-strategic impact of a Russian-Chinese alliance for Nato. | This open access book examines Russia-china relations across a variety of civilian and military areas of cooperation. Leading experts in the field present empirical case studies covering a wide range of strategic cooperation areas between Russia and China, such as technological, military, economic and political cooperation. The contributing authors shed new light on chinese and russian strategic goals, external push and pull factors, and mutual perception shifts, and discuss the options for western countries to influence This development. This book analyses the evolution of the relationship since the watershed moment of the crimean crisis in 2014, and Whether or not a full-blown military alliance, as hinted in late 2020 by President Putin, is indeed a realistic scenario for which nato will have to prepare. It will appeal to students and scholars of international relations, political decision-makers, As well as anyone interested in eurasian politics and the potential military-strategic impact of a russian-chinese alliance for Nato. | This open access book examines Russia-China relations across a variety of civilian and military areas of cooperation. leading experts in the field present empirical case studies covering a wide range of strategic cooperation areas between Russia and China, such as technological, military, economic and political cooperation. The contributing authors shed new light on Chinese and Russian strategic goals, external push and pull factors, and mutual perception shifts, and discuss the options for Western countries to influence this development. This book analyses the evolution of the relationship since the watershed moment of the Crimean crisis in 2014, and whether or not a full-blown military alliance, as hinted in late 2020 by President Putin, is indeed a realistic scenario for which NATO will have to prepare. It will appeal to students and scholars of international relations, political Decision-Makers, as well as anyone interested in Eurasian politics and the potential Military-Strategic impact of a Russian-Chinese Alliance for NATO. |
| The end of the cold war eliminated many of the external constraints that had straitjacketed German policy during the cold war era. At the same time, unification augmented Germany's already substantial power base. In light of these changed geopolitical circumstances, it was only logical for the dominant theory of security studies, namely realism, to expect a reorientation in German foreign policy behavior Toward unilateralism and increased levels of power politics. Yet these expectations proved wrong. This article argues that German Foreign policy behavior in the post-cold war era can be ascribed to a foreign policy culture of reticence—a culture of restraint and accommodation that can be traced to well-defined sets of fundamental beliefs of the German decision-making elite. This article systematically examines these beliefs in the post-cold war era, relates them to foreign policy choices, and concludes with a plea for increased attention to ideational variables. | The end of the cold war eliminated many of the external constraints that had straitjacketed german policy during the cold war era. At the same time, unification augmented Germany's already substantial power base. In light of these changed geopolitical circumstances, it was only logical for the dominant theory of security studies, namely realism, to expect a reorientation in german foreign policy behavior Toward unilateralism and increased levels of power politics. Yet these expectations proved wrong. This article argues that german Foreign policy behavior in the post-cold war era can be ascribed to a foreign policy culture of reticence—a culture of restraint and accommodation that can be traced to well-defined sets of fundamental beliefs of the german decision-making elite. This article systematically examines these beliefs in the post-cold war era, relates them to foreign policy choices, and concludes with a plea for increased attention to ideational variables. | The end of the cold war eliminated many of the external constraints that had Straitjacketed German policy during the cold war era. at the same time, unification augmented Germany's already substantial power base. In light of these changed geopolitical circumstances, it was only logical for the dominant theory of security studies, namely realism, to expect a reorientation in German foreign policy behavior toward Unilateralism and increased levels of power politics. Yet these expectations proved wrong. This article argues that German foreign policy behavior in the Post-Cold war era can be ascribed to a foreign policy culture of Reticence—A culture of restraint and accommodation that can be traced to well-defined sets of fundamental beliefs of the German decision-making elite. This article systematically examines these beliefs in the Post-Cold war era, relates them to foreign policy choices, and concludes with a plea for increased attention to ideational variables. |
| Trust is central to international politics. Trust-related theoretical arguments can be divided between rationalist, cultural and psychological schools. We present concise reviews of these approaches, emphasizing the initial trust-creation phase, and apply these factors to our historical case: The emergence of a fragile interpersonal trust between mikhail gorbachev and ronald reagan before and during their first meeting in Geneva in 1985. Based on archives and first-hand reminiscences, we conclude that the cultural trust theories are not able to contribute much to the initial trust-building process in this particular case, except for explaining the obstacles for trust. The rational approaches explain The necessary but not sufficient conditions for trust to emerge. Ultimately, what triggered the trust that ultimately ended the cold war cannot be understood without taking into account the cognitive and psychological factors involved in this interpersonal relationship. | Trust is central to international politics. Trust-related theoretical arguments can be divided between rationalist, cultural and psychological schools. We present concise reviews of these approaches, emphasizing the initial trust-creation phase, and apply these factors to our historical case: The emergence of a fragile interpersonal trust between Mikhail Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan before and during their first meeting in Geneva in 1985. Based on archives and first-hand reminiscences, we conclude that the cultural trust theories are not able to contribute much to the initial trust-building process in this particular case, except for explaining the obstacles for trust. The rational approaches explain The necessary but not sufficient conditions for trust to emerge. Ultimately, what triggered the trust that ultimately ended the cold war cannot be understood without taking into account the cognitive and psychological factors involved in this interpersonal relationship. | Trust is central to international politics. Trust-Related theoretical arguments can be divided between rationalist, cultural and psychological schools. We present concise reviews of these approaches, emphasizing the initial Trust-Creation phase, and apply these factors to our historical case: the emergence of a fragile interpersonal trust between Mikhail Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan before and during their first meeting in Geneva in 1985. based on Archives and first-hand reminiscences, we conclude that the cultural trust theories are not able to contribute much to the initial Trust-Building process in this particular case, except for explaining the obstacles for trust. The rational approaches explain the necessary but not sufficient conditions for trust to emerge. ultimately, what triggered the trust that ultimately ended the cold war cannot be understood without taking into account the cognitive and psychological factors involved in this interpersonal relationship. |
| A stimulating new analysis of the dramatic systemic changes of the Russian state, principles of the governance and its foreign policy orientation. It reviews the extent of changes in Russian approaches to geopolitics and The most appropriate geopolitical development Patterns that influenced the transformation of Russian foreign policies and military strategic thinking on the eve of the 21st century. | A stimulating new analysis of the dramatic systemic changes of the russian state, principles of the governance and its foreign policy orientation. It reviews the extent of changes in russian approaches to geopolitics and The most appropriate geopolitical development Patterns that influenced the transformation of russian foreign policies and military strategic thinking on the eve of the 21st century. | A stimulating new analysis of the dramatic systemic changes of the Russian state, principles of the Governance and its foreign policy orientation. It reviews the extent of changes in Russian approaches to Geopolitics and the most appropriate geopolitical development patterns that influenced the transformation of Russian foreign policies and military strategic thinking on the eve of the 21st century. |
| English school theory rooted diplomacy in a common culture, while much of the discussion about diplomacy, and international society, revolves around the idea of culture. This chapter provides A detailed discussion of culture before considering how cultural differences might impact the way diplomacy functions. The argument begins by looking at definitions of culture to clarify some of its constitutive elements. It points to the six markers seen As salient when considering differences between cultures and looks at how individual policymakers may be affected by cultural differences, in terms of their sense of self, their interaction with others, their goals and values. Distinguishing between high context and low context cultures, it links these to the study of the institutions of international society, in particular diplomacy, in the context of power transition. | English school theory rooted diplomacy in a common culture, while much of the discussion about diplomacy, and international society, revolves around the idea of culture. This chapter provides A detailed discussion of culture before considering how cultural differences might impact the way diplomacy functions. The argument begins by looking at definitions of culture to clarify some of its constitutive elements. It points to the six markers seen As salient when considering differences between cultures and looks at how individual policymakers may be affected by cultural differences, in terms of their sense of self, their interaction with others, their goals and values. Distinguishing between high context and low context cultures, it links these to the study of the institutions of international society, in particular diplomacy, in the context of power transition. | English school theory rooted diplomacy in a common culture, while much of the discussion about diplomacy, and international society, revolves around the idea of culture. This chapter provides a detailed discussion of culture before considering how cultural differences might impact the way diplomacy functions. The argument begins by looking at definitions of culture to clarify some of its Constitutive elements. It points to the six markers seen as salient when considering differences between cultures and looks at how individual policymakers may be affected by cultural differences, in terms of their sense of self, their interaction with others, their goals and values. distinguishing between high context and low context cultures, it links these to the study of the institutions of international society, in particular diplomacy, in the context of power transition. |
| The putin era saw a striking 'securitization' of politics, something that he has bequeathed to his chosen successor, dmitry medvedev. The omens from the early days of the medvedev presidency have been mixed, marked both by less confrontational rhetoric towards The west and by war with Georgia and continued re-armament. Has the medvedev generation learned The lessons not just from the Soviet era but also from the Yeltsin and putin presidencies, or will security remain the foundation of Russian foreign and domestic policy? Fully up-to-date to reflect the evolving medvedev presidency, the 2008 georgian war and the impact of the economic downturn, this volume is a much needed objective and balanced examination of the ways in which security has played and continues to play a central role in contemporary Russian politics. The combination of original scholarship with extensive empirical research makes this volume an invaluable resource for all students and researchers of Russian politics and security affairs. | The Putin era saw a striking 'securitization' of politics, something that he has bequeathed to his chosen successor, Dmitry Medvedev. The omens from the early days of the Medvedev presidency have been mixed, marked both by less confrontational rhetoric towards The west and by war with Georgia and continued re-armament. Has the medvedev generation learned The lessons not just from the soviet era but also from the Yeltsin and Putin presidencies, or will security remain the foundation of russian foreign and domestic policy? Fully up-to-date to reflect the evolving medvedev presidency, the 2008 georgian war and the impact of the economic downturn, this volume is a much needed objective and balanced examination of the ways in which security has played and continues to play a central role in contemporary russian politics. The combination of original scholarship with extensive empirical research makes this volume an invaluable resource for all students and researchers of russian politics and security affairs. | The Putin era saw a striking 'Securitization' of politics, something that he has bequeathed to his chosen successor, Dmitry Medvedev. The Omens from the early days of the Medvedev Presidency have been mixed, marked both by less confrontational rhetoric towards the West and by war with Georgia and continued Re-Armament. has the Medvedev generation learned the lessons not just from the Soviet era but also from the Yeltsin and Putin Presidencies, or will security remain the foundation of Russian foreign and domestic policy? fully up-to-date to reflect the evolving Medvedev Presidency, the 2008 Georgian war and the impact of the economic downturn, this volume is a much needed objective and balanced examination of the ways in which security has played and continues to play a central role in contemporary Russian politics. The combination of original scholarship with extensive empirical research makes this volume an invaluable resource for all students and researchers of Russian politics and security affairs. |
| The missile defence policy of the Us plays a crucial role in international affairs and is normally studied from a Us perspective. This book is different, it delivers a sharp analysis of regional and national variations and integrates them with us viewpoints to present a rounded and comprehensive study. What will be the international ramifications of American plans to deploy a comprehensive national missile defence policy? This is a key question for all those wishing to build a sense of the global future and is here answered with clarity and rigour by expert contributors. This new study breaks the mould of traditional assessments that focus ExclUsively on the Us world picture and are inevitably one-dimensional. Here we see that us action automatically entails reactions As this text advances a more balanced approach. By integrating a focus on us policy with a strong analysis of regional dynamics, it demonstrates that the global ramifications of us policy are indeed Contingent upon distinct regional and national variations. These differences in turn have consequences both for the challenges The Us faces in relation to missile defence and for the future of world politics.this is an innovative and groundbreaking study that contains lessons for those wishing to safeguard the future by becoming alert to its challenges and complexities. | The missile defence policy of the us plays a crucial role in international affairs and is normally studied from a us perspective. This book is different, it delivers a sharp analysis of regional and national variations and integrates them with us viewpoints to present a rounded and comprehensive study. What will be the international ramifications of american plans to deploy a comprehensive national missile defence policy? This is a key question for all those wishing to build a sense of the global future and is here answered with clarity and rigour by expert contributors. This new study breaks the mould of traditional assessments that focus Exclusively on the us world picture and are inevitably one-dimensional. Here we see that us action automatically entails reactions As this text advances a more balanced approach. By integrating a focus on us policy with a strong analysis of regional dynamics, it demonstrates that the global ramifications of us policy are indeed Contingent upon distinct regional and national variations. These differences in turn have consequences both for the challenges The us faces in relation to missile defence and for the future of world politics.this is an innovative and groundbreaking study that contains lessons for those wishing to safeguard the future by becoming alert to its challenges and complexities. | The missile defence policy of the us plays a crucial role in international affairs and is normally studied from a us perspective. This book is different, it delivers a sharp analysis of regional and national variations and integrates them with us viewpoints to present a rounded and comprehensive study. What will be the International ramifications of American plans to deploy a comprehensive national missile defence policy? this is a key question for all those wishing to build a sense of the global future and is here answered with clarity and rigour by expert contributors. This new study breaks the mould of traditional assessments that focus exclusively on the us world picture and are inevitably One-Dimensional. Here we see that us action automatically entails reactions as this text advances a more balanced approach. by integrating a focus on us policy with a strong analysis of regional Dynamics, it demonstrates that the global ramifications of us policy are indeed contingent upon distinct regional and national variations. These differences in turn have consequences both for the challenges the us faces in relation to missile defence and for the future of world Politics.This is an innovative and groundbreaking study that contains lessons for those wishing to safeguard the future by becoming alert to its challenges and complexities. |
| This book highlights the impact and relevance of "strategic culture". Each section contains essays contrasting united states and Soviet perceptions on specific topics. Each section closes with a synthesizing commentary, to help readers to get a better sense of differences and similarities. | This book highlights the impact and relevance of "strategic culture". Each section contains essays contrasting united States and soviet perceptions on specific topics. Each section closes with a synthesizing commentary, to help readers to get a better sense of differences and similarities. | This book highlights the impact and relevance of "strategic culture". Each section contains essays contrasting United States and Soviet perceptions on specific topics. Each section closes with a Synthesizing commentary, to help readers to get a better sense of differences and similarities. |
| Imitation and emulation are mechanisms of competition in international relations that are theoretically posited but empirically diffuse. Goldsmith provides A trenchant overview of the extant literature and evidence, finding that specification and operationalization problems may explain the disconnect. Providing a distinctive and generalizable approach drawing on concepts from psychology and organizational behavior, this book refines theories of foreign policy To include observational learning to identify when imitation is likely and what behaviors are most imitated. Both statistical and case study methods are used to uncover patterns of analogy usage. Looking at Russia and the Ukraine, goldsmith increases our understanding of the foreign policies of these two states while also expanding the empirical base of research. By exploring the practical and theoretical significance of learning and imitation, this is an important contribution for foreign policy professionals and scholars. | Imitation and emulation are mechanisms of competition in international relations that are theoretically posited but empirically diffuse. Goldsmith provides A trenchant overview of the extant literature and evidence, finding that specification and operationalization problems may explain the disconnect. Providing a distinctive and generalizable approach drawing on concepts from psychology and organizational behavior, this book refines theories of foreign policy To include observational learning to identify when imitation is likely and what behaviors are most imitated. Both statistical and case study methods are used to uncover patterns of analogy usage. Looking at Russia and the Ukraine, goldsmith increases our understanding of the foreign policies of these two states while also expanding the empirical base of research. By exploring the practical and theoretical significance of learning and imitation, this is an important contribution for foreign policy professionals and scholars. | Imitation and Emulation are mechanisms of competition in international relations that are theoretically Posited but empirically diffuse. Goldsmith provides a trenchant overview of the extant literature and evidence, finding that specification and Operationalization problems may explain the Disconnect. providing a distinctive and Generalizable approach drawing on concepts from psychology and organizational behavior, this book refines theories of foreign policy to include observational learning to identify when imitation is likely and what behaviors are most imitated. Both statistical and case study methods are used to uncover patterns of analogy usage. looking at Russia and the Ukraine, Goldsmith increases our understanding of the foreign policies of these two States while also expanding the empirical base of research. by exploring the practical and theoretical significance of learning and imitation, this is an important contribution for foreign policy professionals and scholars. |
| The book examines the security puzzles Posed by the remaining legacies of dominance and conflict in the baltic sea region As governments seek to integrate the three Baltic sates in a more stable system of cooperative security. | The book examines the security puzzles Posed by the remaining legacies of dominance and conflict in the baltic sea region As governments seek to integrate the three baltic sates in a more stable system of cooperative security. | The book examines the security puzzles posed by the remaining legacies of dominance and conflict in the Baltic Sea region as governments seek to integrate the three Baltic Sates in a more stable system of cooperative security. |
| This syllabus is intended to introduce the concept of strategic culture to upper division undergraduates seeking to deepen their understanding of international relations and security studies, and broaden their theoretical and methodological tool sets. Our objective is to provide the instructor with theoretical background on the concept of strategic culture As well as a framework for comparing case studies in this field. We do this through the use of comparative cases that examine a common international security phenomenon: A state's (and one non-state actor) decisions to acquire, proliferate, or use a weapon of mass destruction. Our purpose is to advance strategic culture analysis As a tool for understanding (and even forecasting) The foreign policy of other actors and of constructing successful foreign policy of our own. Practical applications of strategic culture include: * better understanding of the foreign lenses through which our policy moves will be viewed * More effective deterrence, because we understand what the other culture values and can better leverage their cost/benefit ratio * stronger cooperative relationships with allies * Increased accuracy in the interpretation of intelligence collected abroad * insight that will allow For the creation of counter-narrative strategies Aimed at weakening an adversary's propaganda campaign * more successful assimilation of immigrants * A stronger understanding of the repercussions of our foreign policy moves * Illumination of our own cultural values * Enhancement of predictive/forecasting capability | This syllabus is intended to introduce the concept of strategic culture to upper division undergraduates seeking to deepen their understanding of international relations and security studies, and broaden their theoretical and methodological tool sets. Our objective is to provide the instructor with theoretical background on the concept of strategic culture As well as a framework for comparing case studies in this field. We do this through the use of comparative cases that examine a common international security phenomenon: A state's (and one non-state actor) decisions to acquire, proliferate, or use a weapon of mass destruction. Our purpose is to advance strategic culture analysis As a tool for understanding (and even forecasting) The foreign policy of other actors and of constructing successful foreign policy of our own. Practical applications of strategic culture include: * better understanding of the foreign lenses through which our policy moves will be viewed * More effective deterrence, because we understand what the other culture values and can better leverage their cost/benefit ratio * stronger cooperative relationships with allies * Increased accuracy in the interpretation of intelligence collected abroad * insight that will allow For the creation of counter-narrative strategies Aimed at weakening an adversary's propaganda campaign * more successful assimilation of immigrants * A stronger understanding of the repercussions of our foreign policy moves * Illumination of our own cultural values * Enhancement of predictive/forecasting capability | This Syllabus is intended to introduce the concept of strategic culture to upper division undergraduates seeking to deepen their understanding of international relations and security studies, and broaden their theoretical and methodological tool sets. Our objective is to provide the instructor with theoretical background on the concept of strategic culture as well as a framework for comparing case studies in this field. We do this through the use of comparative cases that examine a common international security phenomenon: a state's (and one Non-State actor) decisions to acquire, proliferate, or use a weapon of mass destruction. Our purpose is to advance strategic culture analysis as a tool for understanding (and even forecasting) the foreign policy of other actors and of constructing successful foreign policy of our own. practical applications of strategic culture include: * better understanding of the foreign lenses through which our policy moves will be viewed * more effective deterrence, because we understand what the other culture values and can better leverage their Cost/Benefit ratio * stronger cooperative relationships with allies * increased accuracy in the interpretation of intelligence collected abroad * insight that will allow for the creation of Counter-Narrative strategies aimed at weakening an adversary's propaganda campaign * more successful assimilation of immigrants * a stronger understanding of the repercussions of our foreign policy moves * illumination of our own cultural values * Enhancement of Predictive/Forecasting capability |
| The purpose of this anthology is to deepen western understanding of the sources and substance of the foreign policy of The Soviet Union. Authoritative analysts here explore significant issues in Soviet foreign relations from the era of the bolshevik revolution and the civil war to the period of reform that preceded the final collapse of the Soviet system. The volume is designed for courses in Soviet political history, diplomatic history, comparative foreign policy, and the mainstream of international relations. | The purpose of this anthology is to deepen western understanding of the sources and substance of the foreign policy of the soviet union. Authoritative analysts here explore significant issues in soviet foreign relations from the era of the bolshevik revolution and the civil war to the period of reform that preceded the final collapse of the soviet system. The volume is designed for courses in soviet political history, diplomatic history, comparative foreign policy, and the mainstream of international relations. | The purpose of this anthology is to deepen Western understanding of the sources and substance of the foreign policy of the Soviet Union. authoritative analysts here explore significant issues in Soviet foreign relations from the era of the Bolshevik revolution and the Civil War to the period of reform that preceded the final collapse of the Soviet system. The volume is designed for courses in Soviet political history, diplomatic history, comparative foreign policy, and the mainstream of international relations. |
| Post-communist states in the world community provides A selection of papers on various aspects of the foreign and security policies of the post-communist states of europe presented originally at the fifth world congress of central and East European studies in Warsaw. The articles cover Russian foreign and security policy, Russian policy in europe, the foreign policies of the countries of east-central europe and Russian policy in east asia. | Post-communist states in the world community provides A selection of papers on various aspects of the foreign and security policies of the post-communist states of Europe presented originally at the fifth world congress of central and east European studies in Warsaw. The articles cover russian foreign and security policy, russian policy in Europe, the foreign policies of the countries of east-central Europe and russian policy in east Asia. | Post-Communist States in the world community provides a selection of papers on various aspects of the foreign and security policies of the Post-Communist States of Europe presented originally at the fifth world Congress of central and East European studies in Warsaw. The articles cover Russian foreign and security policy, Russian policy in Europe, the foreign policies of the countries of East-Central Europe and Russian policy in East Asia. |
| This volume focuses on how Russian policy Toward europe (and sometimes, by extension, the west more broadly) has developed since the end of the cold war and the disintegration of The Soviet Union. It argues that important aspects of cooperation have endured in the relationship despite all the vicissitudes of Russian domestic politics and at a time of flux in the international relations of the European continent. This cooperation has, at times, been fragile and has not prevented some obvious and deep-seated disagreements. It has, however, survived. Indeed, Russia and europe have increasingly 'routinized' their relationship in a range of formal multilateral institutions. | This volume focuses on how russian policy Toward Europe (and sometimes, by extension, the west more broadly) has developed since the end of the cold war and the disintegration of the soviet union. It argues that important aspects of cooperation have endured in the relationship despite all the vicissitudes of russian domestic politics and at a time of flux in the international relations of the european continent. This cooperation has, at times, been fragile and has not prevented some obvious and deep-seated disagreements. It has, however, survived. Indeed, Russia and Europe have increasingly 'routinized' their relationship in a range of formal multilateral institutions. | This volume focuses on how Russian policy toward Europe (and sometimes, by extension, the West more broadly) has developed since the end of the cold war and the disintegration of the Soviet Union. It argues that important aspects of cooperation have endured in the relationship despite all the vicissitudes of Russian domestic politics and at a time of flux in the international relations of the European continent. This cooperation has, at times, been fragile and has not prevented some obvious and deep-seated disagreements. It has, however, survived. Indeed, Russia and Europe have increasingly 'Routinized' their relationship in a range of formal multilateral institutions. |
| This document focuses on vladimir zhirinovskiy of Russia. His foreign and domestic politics, his personal and political history, his inconsistencies, and his possible future role and influence in Russian policy making are discussed. Alternative approaches western nations might pursue in dealing with zhirinovskiy are explored | This document focuses on Vladimir zhirinovskiy of Russia. His foreign and domestic politics, his personal and political history, his inconsistencies, and his possible future role and influence in russian policy making are discussed. Alternative approaches western nations might pursue in dealing with zhirinovskiy are explored | This document focuses on Vladimir Zhirinovskiy of Russia. His foreign and domestic politics, his personal and political history, his inconsistencies, and his possible future role and influence in Russian policy making are discussed. alternative approaches Western nations might pursue in dealing with Zhirinovskiy are explored |
| First published in 1990, this ground-breaking book sought to determine Whether contemporary Russia had the capacity to change and if, in so doing, it could alter the complex web of east-west relations from a zero-sum struggle to a state of peaceful competition and mutual security. | First published in 1990, this ground-breaking book sought to determine Whether contemporary Russia had the capacity to change and if, in so doing, it could alter the complex web of east-west relations from a zero-sum struggle to a state of peaceful competition and mutual security. | First published in 1990, this Ground-Breaking book sought to determine whether contemporary Russia had the capacity to change and if, in so doing, it could alter the complex web of East-West relations from a Zero-Sum struggle to a state of peaceful competition and mutual security. |
| First published in 2004. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company. | First published in 2004. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company. | First published in 2004. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an Informa company. |
| On 11 december 1994,3 The Russian army launched its ill-fated attack on the republic of chechnia4 on the southern border of the Russian federation. Until then chechnia had been terra incognita to the world, a state of affairs that would quickly change as the international media joined Russian tanks and troops in a race towards the capital of the independent-minded Caucasian republic. While Russian forces laid siege to grozny,5 foreign As well as Russian journalists crowded the city. | On 11 December 1994,3 The russian army launched its ill-fated attack on the republic of Chechnia4 on the southern border of the russian federation. Until then chechnia had been terra incognita to the world, a state of affairs that would quickly change as the international media joined russian tanks and troops in a race towards the capital of the independent-minded caucasian Republic. While russian forces laid siege to Grozny,5 foreign As well as russian journalists crowded the city. | On 11 December 1994,3 the Russian Army launched its ill-fated attack on the Republic of Chechnia4 on the Southern border of the Russian Federation. until then Chechnia had been Terra Incognita to the world, a state of affairs that would quickly change as the International media joined Russian tanks and troops in a race towards the capital of the Independent-Minded Caucasian Republic. While Russian forces laid siege to Grozny,5 foreign as well as Russian journalists crowded the city. |
| Surely, more has been written about the russian revolution and the ensuing forty years of Soviet rule than about any comparable episode in human history. The bibliography of items on the French revolution occupies, it is said, one wall of the Bibliothéque nationale. A complete bibliography on The Soviet Union—which is yet to be compiledand may never be because of the geometric rate at which it multiplies—would probably make that earlier cenotaph to scholarship shrink The way in which the earlier tombs diminished before the great complex at Karnak. | Surely, more has been written about the russian revolution and the ensuing forty years of soviet rule than about any comparable episode in human history. The bibliography of items on the french revolution occupies, it is said, one wall of the bibliothéque nationale. A complete bibliography on the soviet union—which is yet to be compiledand may never be because of the geometric rate at which it multiplies—would probably make that earlier cenotaph to scholarship shrink The way in which the earlier tombs diminished before the great complex at Karnak. | Surely, more has been written about the Russian revolution and the ensuing forty years of Soviet rule than about any comparable episode in human history. The bibliography of items on the French Revolution occupies, it is said, one wall of the Bibliothéque Nationale. a complete bibliography on the Soviet Union—Which is yet to be Compiledand may never be because of the Geometric rate at which it Multiplies—Would probably make that earlier Cenotaph to scholarship shrink the way in which the earlier tombs diminished before the great complex at Karnak. |
| For the political scientist in America there can scarcely be a more fascinating or more elusive study than The Soviet Union. The first enticement is the menacing importance of Soviet power. Then there is the miracle which in a single generation has changed a defeated and disintegrating agrarian society into one of the two greatest industrial and military states of our day. But these are claims to everybody's attention. The peculiar challenge to the professional student of social phenomena is another matter. For him Russia Now is an enormous but dimly lighted laboratory in which doctrine is tested by experience, where the strain between ideology and reality is carried to a pitch never previously attempted, where techniques Are developed by which a small elite secures a steady ninety-nine per cent of formal acquiescence from a population of two hundred millions, where political and economic strength is accumulated by processes in which what we consider normal human reactions are Choked off by fear or concealed in the trite responses of an authorized litany. | For the political scientist in America there can scarcely be a more fascinating or more elusive study than the soviet union. The first enticement is the menacing importance of soviet power. Then there is the miracle which in a single generation has changed a defeated and disintegrating agrarian society into one of the two greatest industrial and military states of our day. But these are claims to everybody's attention. The peculiar challenge to the professional student of social phenomena is another matter. For him Russia Now is an enormous but dimly lighted laboratory in which doctrine is tested by experience, where the strain between ideology and reality is carried to a pitch never previously attempted, where techniques Are developed by which a small elite secures a steady ninety-nine per cent of formal acquiescence from a population of two hundred millions, where political and economic strength is accumulated by processes in which what we consider normal human reactions are Choked off by fear or concealed in the trite responses of an authorized litany. | For the political scientist in America there can scarcely be a more fascinating or more elusive study than the Soviet Union. The first enticement is the menacing importance of Soviet power. Then there is the miracle which in a single generation has changed a defeated and disintegrating agrarian society into one of the two greatest industrial and military States of our day. But these are claims to everybody's attention. The peculiar challenge to the professional student of social phenomena is another matter. for him Russia now is an enormous but dimly lighted laboratory in which doctrine is tested by experience, where the strain between ideology and reality is carried to a pitch never previously attempted, where techniques are developed by which a small elite Secures a steady ninety-nine per cent of formal acquiescence from a population of two hundred millions, where political and economic strength is accumulated by processes in which what we consider normal human reactions are choked off by fear or concealed in the trite responses of an authorized Litany. |
| This chapter examines confrontation with Russia in light of the history of media wars in the Baltic countries. Estonians, latvians, and Lithuanians have often found themselves at odds with greater powers trying to assert primacy over media, which serve as a proxy for and instrument of autonomy and authority. Information wars Are not new to the Baltic countries. They have been sites of conflict time and again, part and parcel of power struggles in the region. Power Has often been expressed and recognized in the pages and On the screens of mass communication. Media are now an important instrument of Russian foreign policy As it seeks to reassert itself and pursue a more aggressive and expansionist path. Baltic governments are working to secure their information space in tandem with their sovereignty. It is not an easy needle to thread, but it is a challenge that has been faced before under different circumstances in the baltic states. | This chapter examines confrontation with Russia in light of the history of media wars in the baltic countries. Estonians, latvians, and Lithuanians have often found themselves at odds with greater powers trying to assert primacy over media, which serve as a proxy for and instrument of autonomy and authority. Information wars Are not new to the baltic countries. They have been sites of conflict time and again, part and parcel of power struggles in the region. Power Has often been expressed and recognized in the pages and On the screens of mass communication. Media are now an important instrument of russian foreign policy As it seeks to reassert itself and pursue a more aggressive and expansionist path. Baltic governments are working to secure their information space in tandem with their sovereignty. It is not an easy needle to thread, but it is a challenge that has been faced before under different circumstances in the Baltic states. | This chapter examines confrontation with Russia in light of the history of media wars in the Baltic countries. Estonians, Latvians, and Lithuanians have often found themselves at odds with greater powers trying to assert primacy over media, which serve as a proxy for and instrument of autonomy and authority. information wars are not new to the Baltic countries. They have been sites of conflict time and again, part and parcel of power struggles in the region. power has often been expressed and recognized in the pages and on the screens of mass communication. media are now an important instrument of Russian foreign policy as it seeks to reassert itself and pursue a more aggressive and expansionist path. Baltic governments are working to secure their information space in tandem with their sovereignty. It is not an easy needle to thread, but it is a challenge that has been faced before under different circumstances in the Baltic States. |
| This article uses both public and private documents to measure the operational code of john f. kennedy in the summer of 1962. Previous operational code research (and indeed, much of content analysis more generally) has relied exclusively On the analysis of public speeches and is thus open to charges that the speeches represent attempts at deception, persuasion, or impression management. This article tests the validity of using public speech data in operational code analysis by comparing the output to the results one gets by analyzing private statements from the same period. The results strongly indicate that one obtains the same results using either the public or the private data, thus providing tentative confirmation of the validity of using public speeches for assessing the operational codes of leaders. | This article uses both public and private documents to measure the operational code of John F. Kennedy in the summer of 1962. Previous operational code research (and indeed, much of content analysis more generally) has relied exclusively On the analysis of public speeches and is thus open to charges that the speeches represent attempts at deception, persuasion, or impression management. This article tests the validity of using public speech data in operational code analysis by comparing the output to the results one gets by analyzing private statements from the same period. The results strongly indicate that one obtains the same results using either the public or the private data, thus providing tentative confirmation of the validity of using public speeches for assessing the operational codes of leaders. | This article uses both public and private documents to measure the operational code of John F. Kennedy in the summer of 1962. previous operational code research (and indeed, much of content analysis more generally) has relied exclusively on the analysis of public speeches and is thus open to charges that the speeches represent attempts at deception, persuasion, or impression management. This article tests the validity of using public speech data in operational code analysis by comparing the output to the results one gets by analyzing private statements from the same period. The results strongly indicate that one obtains the same results using either the public or the private data, thus providing tentative confirmation of the validity of using public speeches for assessing the operational codes of leaders. |
| This book is designed to help the reader better understand the conduct of war by focusing on the 'how' not the 'why' of warfare. It examines a number of crucial dimensions of contemporary armed conflict such as: the strategies, operations, tactics, doctrines and weapons of conventional and low-intensity war; military geography; the cultural underpinnings of strategies and tactics; arms resupply, security assistance, and foreign intervention. | This book is designed to help the reader better understand the conduct of war by focusing on the 'how' not the 'why' of warfare. It examines a number of crucial dimensions of contemporary armed conflict such as: the strategies, operations, tactics, doctrines and weapons of conventional and low-intensity war; military geography; the cultural underpinnings of strategies and tactics; arms resupply, security assistance, and foreign intervention. | This book is designed to help the reader better understand the conduct of war by focusing on the 'How' not the 'Why' of warfare. It examines a number of crucial dimensions of contemporary armed conflict such as: the strategies, operations, tactics, doctrines and weapons of conventional and Low-Intensity war; military geography; the cultural underpinnings of strategies and tactics; arms Resupply, security assistance, and foreign intervention. |
| Carter and ehteshami consider the significant geopolitical, economic and security links between the middle east and the wider Asian world - links which are often overlooked when the middle east is considered in isolation or in terms of its relations with the west, but which are of growing importance. Topics covered include Asia's overall geostrategic realities and the middle east's place within them; relations between the middle east and China, Russia, central asia, southeast asia and south asia; Islam in central asia and southeast asia and the connections with the middle east; and the important links between the middle east and India and Pakistan's military and security establishments. | Carter and Ehteshami consider the significant geopolitical, economic and security links between the middle east and the wider asian world - links which are often overlooked when the middle east is considered in isolation or in terms of its relations with the west, but which are of growing importance. Topics covered include Asia's overall geostrategic realities and the middle East's place within them; relations between the middle East and China, Russia, central Asia, SouthEast Asia and South Asia; Islam in central Asia and SouthEast Asia and the connections with the middle East; and the important links between the middle East and India and Pakistan's military and security establishments. | Carter and Ehteshami consider the significant geopolitical, economic and security links between the Middle East and the wider Asian world - links which are often overlooked when the Middle East is considered in isolation or in terms of its relations with the West, but which are of growing importance. topics covered include Asia's overall Geostrategic realities and the Middle East's place within them; relations between the Middle East and China, Russia, central Asia, Southeast Asia and South Asia; Islam in central Asia and Southeast Asia and the connections with the Middle East; and the important links between the Middle East and India and Pakistan's military and security establishments. |
| Examining the future of nuclear deterrence in the 1990s and beyond, this book outlines aspects of the evolving strategic environment. It also projects the likely future of deterrence strategies and strategic force postures. Other topics, such as the Soviet nuclear doctrine are also covered. | Examining the future of nuclear deterrence in the 1990s and beyond, this book outlines aspects of the evolving strategic environment. It also projects the likely future of deterrence strategies and strategic force postures. Other topics, such as the soviet nuclear doctrine are also covered. | Examining the future of nuclear deterrence in the 1990s and beyond, this book outlines aspects of the evolving strategic environment. It also projects the likely future of deterrence strategies and strategic force postures. other topics, such as the Soviet nuclear doctrine are also covered. |
| Ole holsti, one of the deans of us foreign policy analysis, examines the complex factors involved in the policy decision-making process including the beliefs and cognitive processes of foreign policy leaders and the influence public opinion has on foreign policy. The essays, in addition to being both theoretically and empirically rich, are historical in breadth--with essays on Vietnam--as well as contemporary in relevance--with essays on public opinion and foreign policy after 9/11. | Ole Holsti, one of the deans of us foreign policy analysis, examines the complex factors involved in the policy decision-making process including the beliefs and cognitive processes of foreign policy leaders and the influence public opinion has on foreign policy. The essays, in addition to being both theoretically and empirically rich, are historical in breadth--with essays on Vietnam--as well as contemporary in relevance--with essays on public opinion and foreign policy after 9/11. | Ole Holsti, one of the Deans of us foreign policy analysis, examines the complex factors involved in the policy decision-making process including the beliefs and cognitive processes of foreign policy leaders and the influence public opinion has on foreign policy. The essays, in addition to being both theoretically and empirically rich, are historical in breadth--with essays on Vietnam--as well as contemporary in relevance--with essays on public opinion and foreign policy after 9/11. |
| This chapter argues that after a quarter century of stasis, the pattern of world order is changing and the inter-cold war period of the cold peace is giving way not to a thaw, but to the re-entrenchment of bipolar confrontation between the expansive liberal international order and the resistance of a group of states, including Russia. Like the first cold war, the second is also about the conflicting views of world order as the Us-led liberal international order is challenged by the emergence of a putative anti-hegemonic alignment between rUssia, China and their allies in the emerging alternative architecture of world affairs—especially The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (Sco) and Brics (Brazil, rUssia, India, China, South Africa). The clash between Russia and the west, in this sense, is only an early version—and ultimately perhaps not the most significant—of the challenges against the long-term stasis in international affairs. | This chapter argues that after a quarter century of stasis, the pattern of world order is changing and the inter-cold war period of the cold peace is giving way not to a thaw, but to the re-entrenchment of bipolar confrontation between the expansive liberal international order and the resistance of a group of states, including Russia. Like the first cold war, the second is also about the conflicting views of world order as the us-led liberal international order is challenged by the emergence of a putative anti-hegemonic alignment between Russia, China and their allies in the emerging alternative architecture of world affairs—especially the Shanghai cooperation organization (Sco) and brics (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa). The clash between Russia and the west, in this sense, is only an early version—and ultimately perhaps not the most significant—of the challenges against the long-term stasis in international affairs. | This chapter argues that after a quarter century of stasis, the pattern of world order is changing and the Inter-Cold war period of the cold peace is giving way not to a thaw, but to the Re-Entrenchment of bipolar confrontation between the expansive liberal international order and the resistance of a group of States, including Russia. like the first cold war, the second is also about the conflicting views of world order as the Us-Led liberal international order is challenged by the emergence of a Putative Anti-Hegemonic alignment between Russia, China and their allies in the emerging alternative architecture of world Affairs—Especially the Shanghai cooperation Organization (Sco) and Brics (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa). The clash between Russia and the West, in this sense, is only an early Version—And ultimately perhaps not the most Significant—Of the challenges against the long-term stasis in international affairs. |
| 日文研の教職員等による研究成果やセンターが発行した出版物を電子化し、公開しています。 | 日文研の教職員等による研究成果やセンターが発行した出版物を電子化し、公開しています。 | 日文研の教職員等による研究成果やセンターが発行した出版物を電子化し、公開しています。 |
| This book presents a comprehensive, systematic analysis of Russia– Iran relations in the period following the collapse of The Soviet Union in 1991. It discusses the key areas – such as trade, arms sales, nuclear developments, and potential areas of friction in the caspian sea – where co-operation is possible; charts different phases of increasing and declining co-operation; and relates these changes to security considerations and domestic factors in both countries. Throughout, the book argues that the potential for co-operation between the two countries is much greater than people realize, and it concludes by assessing how Russia–Iran relations are likely to develop in future. | This book presents a comprehensive, systematic analysis of Russia– Iran relations in the period following the collapse of the soviet union in 1991. It discusses the key areas – such as trade, arms sales, nuclear developments, and potential areas of friction in the caspian sea – where co-operation is possible; charts different phases of increasing and declining co-operation; and relates these changes to security considerations and domestic factors in both countries. Throughout, the book argues that the potential for co-operation between the two countries is much greater than people realize, and it concludes by assessing how russia–iran relations are likely to develop in future. | This book presents a comprehensive, systematic analysis of Russia– Iran relations in the period following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. It discusses the key areas – such as trade, arms sales, nuclear developments, and potential areas of friction in the Caspian sea – where co-operation is possible; charts different phases of increasing and declining co-operation; and relates these changes to security considerations and domestic factors in both countries. Throughout, the book argues that the potential for co-operation between the two countries is much greater than people realize, and it concludes by assessing how Russia–Iran relations are likely to develop in future. |
| The ashgate research companion to Chinese foreign policy draws out The full range of topics and issues that characterise China's external affairs. The volume is intended to provide an overview of Chinese foreign policy That will be relevant both to experts in the field As well As those that are just starting to grapple with Beijing's international outlook. The investigation of Chinese foreign policy offered by the volume is divided into seven parts: part i focuses on the historical evolution of Chinese foreign policy by detailing the specific traditions and the altering paradigms of Beijing's external outlook proffered for the explanation and understanding of Chinese foreign policy part Ii discusses the different analytical perspectives proffered for the explanation and understanding of Chinese foreign policy part Iii considers the domestic sources of Chinese foreign policy part iv analyses the international impact of Beijing's outreach part v of the volume begins The exploration Of China's relations with specific international actors part vi investigates the regional interactions of Chinese foreign policy part vii of the volume draws attention To several issues impacting both the practice and the understanding of Chinese foreign policy part i focuses on the historical evolution of Chinese foreign policy by detailing the specific traditions and the altering paradigms of Beijing's external outlook proffered for the explanation and understanding of Chinese foreign policy part Ii discusses the different analytical perspectives proffered for the explanation and understanding of Chinese foreign policy part Iii considers the domestic sources of Chinese foreign policy part iv analyses the international impact of Beijing's outreach part v of the volume begins the exploration of China's relations with specific international actors part vi investigates the regional interactions of Chinese foreign policy part vIi of the volume draws attention To several issues impacting both the practice and the understanding of Chinese foreign policy This companion draws a vivid picture of the full spectrum of topics, issues, and relationships that define China's international interactions. The collection therefore provides A relevant point of departure for anyone interested in learning about Beijing's external affairs. Owing to the wide range of themes and ideas, this volume is essential reading for students of Chinese foreign policy. | The ashgate research companion to chinese foreign policy draws out The full range of topics and issues that characterise China's external affairs. The volume is intended to provide an overview of chinese foreign policy That will be relevant both to experts in the field As well As those that are just starting to grapple with Beijing's international outlook. The investigation of chinese foreign policy offered by the volume is divided into seven parts: part i focuses on the historical evolution of chinese foreign policy by detailing the specific traditions and the altering paradigms of Beijing's external outlook proffered for the explanation and understanding of chinese foreign policy part Ii discusses the different analytical perspectives proffered for the explanation and understanding of chinese foreign policy part Iii considers the domestic sources of chinese foreign policy part iv analyses the international impact of Beijing's outreach part v of the volume begins The exploration Of China's relations with specific international actors part Vi investigates the regional interactions of chinese foreign policy part Vii of the volume draws attention To several issues impacting both the practice and the understanding of chinese foreign policy part i focuses on the historical evolution of chinese foreign policy by detailing the specific traditions and the altering paradigms of Beijing's external outlook proffered for the explanation and understanding of chinese foreign policy part Ii discusses the different analytical perspectives proffered for the explanation and understanding of chinese foreign policy part Iii considers the domestic sources of chinese foreign policy part iv analyses the international impact of Beijing's outreach part v of the volume begins the exploration of China's relations with specific international actors part Vi investigates the regional interactions of chinese foreign policy part vIi of the volume draws attention To several issues impacting both the practice and the understanding of chinese foreign policy This companion draws a vivid picture of the full spectrum of topics, issues, and relationships that define China's international interactions. The collection therefore provides A relevant point of departure for anyone interested in learning about Beijing's external affairs. Owing to the wide range of themes and ideas, this volume is essential reading for students of chinese foreign policy. | The Ashgate research companion to Chinese foreign policy draws out the full range of topics and issues that Characterise China's external affairs. The volume is intended to provide an overview of Chinese foreign policy that will be relevant both to experts in the field as well as those that are just starting to grapple with Beijing's International outlook. The investigation of Chinese foreign policy offered by the volume is divided into seven parts: part I focuses on the historical evolution of Chinese foreign policy by detailing the specific traditions and the altering paradigms of Beijing's external outlook proffered for the explanation and understanding of Chinese foreign policy part II discusses the different Analytical perspectives proffered for the explanation and understanding of Chinese foreign policy part III considers the domestic sources of Chinese foreign policy part IV analyses the International impact of Beijing's outreach part V of the volume begins the exploration of China's relations with specific International actors part VI investigates the regional interactions of Chinese foreign policy part Vii of the volume draws attention to several issues Impacting both the practice and the understanding of Chinese foreign policy part I focuses on the historical evolution of Chinese foreign policy by detailing the specific traditions and the altering paradigms of Beijing's external outlook proffered for the explanation and understanding of Chinese foreign policy part II discusses the different Analytical perspectives proffered for the explanation and understanding of Chinese foreign policy part III considers the domestic sources of Chinese foreign policy part IV analyses the International impact of Beijing's outreach part V of the volume begins the exploration of China's relations with specific International actors part VI investigates the regional interactions of Chinese foreign policy part Vii of the volume draws attention to several issues Impacting both the practice and the understanding of Chinese foreign policy this companion draws a vivid picture of the full spectrum of topics, issues, and relationships that define China's International interactions. The collection therefore provides a relevant point of departure for anyone interested in learning about Beijing's external affairs. owing to the wide range of themes and ideas, this volume is essential reading for students of Chinese foreign policy. |
| Discussions on regional security were initiated in the middle east in 1992, as part of the middle east peace process. The collapse of the oslo process and other regional developments in the latter half of the 1990s have diminished hopes that the initial gains made in this direction might further develop, as violence has again become the primary mode of effecting political changes in the region. On the backdrop of this somewhat dismal current reality in the middle east The rationale for this volume is that research into regional security structures Should nevertheless be pursued. When looking at the long term process of creating regional security, setbacks are not unlikely. The articles that make up this collection focus On the problems that have been encountered, and possible directions for getting regional efforts back on track. A special issue of the journal of strategic studies | Discussions on regional security were initiated in the middle east in 1992, as part of the middle east peace process. The collapse of the Oslo process and other regional developments in the latter half of the 1990s have diminished hopes that the initial gains made in this direction might further develop, as violence has again become the primary mode of effecting political changes in the region. On the backdrop of this somewhat dismal current reality in the middle east The rationale for this volume is that research into regional security structures Should nevertheless be pursued. When looking at the long term process of creating regional security, setbacks are not unlikely. The articles that make up this collection focus On the problems that have been encountered, and possible directions for getting regional efforts back on track. A special issue of the journal of strategic studies | Discussions on regional security were initiated in the Middle East in 1992, as part of the Middle East peace process. The collapse of the Oslo process and other regional developments in the latter half of the 1990s have diminished hopes that the initial gains made in this direction might further develop, as violence has again become the primary mode of effecting political changes in the region. on the backdrop of this somewhat dismal current reality in the Middle East the rationale for this volume is that research into regional security structures should Nevertheless be pursued. When looking at the long term process of creating regional security, setbacks are not unlikely. The articles that make up this collection focus on the problems that have been encountered, and possible directions for getting regional efforts back on track. a special issue of the Journal of strategic studies |
| Examining the history, conceptual breadth, and recent trends in the study of foreign policy analysis, it is clear that this subfield provides what may be the best conceptual connection to the empirical ground upon which all international relations (ir) theory is based. Foreign policy analysis Is characterized by an actor-specific focus, based upon the argument that all that occurs between nations and across nations is grounded in human decision makers acting singly or in groups. Fpa offers significant contributions to ir—theoretical, substantive, and methodological—and is situated at the intersection of all social science and policy fields As they relate to international affairs. A renewed emphasis on actor-specific theory will allow Ir to more fully reclaim its ability to manifest human agency, with its attendant change, creativity, accountability, and meaning. | Examining the history, conceptual breadth, and recent trends in the study of foreign policy analysis, it is clear that this subfield provides what may be the best conceptual connection to the empirical ground upon which all international relations (ir) theory is based. Foreign policy analysis Is characterized by an actor-specific focus, based upon the argument that all that occurs between nations and across nations is grounded in human decision makers acting singly or in groups. Fpa offers significant contributions to ir—theoretical, substantive, and methodological—and is situated at the intersection of all social science and policy fields As they relate to international affairs. A renewed emphasis on actor-specific theory will allow Ir to more fully reclaim its ability to manifest human agency, with its attendant change, creativity, accountability, and meaning. | Examining the history, conceptual breadth, and recent trends in the study of foreign policy analysis, it is clear that this Subfield provides what may be the best conceptual connection to the empirical ground upon which all international relations (Ir) theory is based. foreign policy analysis is characterized by an Actor-Specific focus, based upon the argument that all that occurs between nations and across nations is grounded in human decision makers acting singly or in groups. FPA offers significant contributions to Ir—Theoretical, substantive, and Methodological—And is situated at the intersection of all social science and policy fields as they relate to international affairs. a renewed emphasis on Actor-Specific theory will allow Ir to more fully reclaim its ability to manifest human agency, with its attendant change, creativity, accountability, and meaning. |
| Does the proliferation of security communities around the world presage a new era of competition between regions or an era of intensified global integration? This important new study assesses the relationship between security communities and their neighbours and asks whether processes of regional integration will contribute to a global 'clash of civilizations'. Drawing on four detailed case studies (western europe, southeast asia, the persian gulf and north america), alex j. bellamy argues That the more mature a security community becomes, the less likely it is to become a 'regional fortress'. | Does the proliferation of security communities around the world presage a new era of competition between regions or an era of intensified global integration? This important new study assesses the relationship between security communities and their neighbours and asks whether processes of regional integration will contribute to a global 'clash of civilizations'. Drawing on four detailed case studies (western Europe, Southeast Asia, the Persian Gulf and North America), Alex J. Bellamy argues That the more mature a security community becomes, the less likely it is to become a 'regional fortress'. | Does the proliferation of security communities around the world presage a new era of competition between regions or an era of intensified global integration? this important new study assesses the relationship between security communities and their neighbours and asks whether processes of regional integration will contribute to a global 'Clash of civilizations'. drawing on four detailed case studies (Western Europe, Southeast Asia, the Persian Gulf and North America), Alex J. Bellamy argues that the more mature a security community becomes, the less likely it is to become a 'Regional fortress'. |
| Having identified three previous postwar attempts by us presidents to construct cooperative relationships with The Soviet Union, all of whichfailed, the author examines in detail that embarked upon by president clinton since his election in 1992. Lookingfirst at the roots of clinton's policy towards The disintigrating ussr during the election campaign and at the perceived orientation of the new administration towards Domestic rather thanforeign issues, he analyses the formation and execution of White House policy towards Post-Soviet Russia and concludes that while it has been subject to serious dfficulty, and while thefuture remains uncertain in the extreme, us strategy towards Russia and the otherformer Soviet Republics is unlikely to change radically while clinton remains president. | Having identified three previous postwar attempts by us Presidents to construct cooperative relationships with the soviet union, all of whichfailed, the author examines in detail that embarked upon by President Clinton since his election in 1992. Lookingfirst at the roots of Clinton's policy towards The disintigrating ussr during the election campaign and at the perceived orientation of the new administration towards Domestic rather thanforeign issues, he analyses the formation and execution of white house policy towards post-soviet Russia and concludes that while it has been subject to serious dfficulty, and while thefuture remains uncertain in the extreme, us strategy towards Russia and the otherformer soviet republics is unlikely to change radically while Clinton remains President. | Having identified three previous postwar attempts by us Presidents to construct cooperative relationships with the Soviet Union, all of Whichfailed, the author examines in detail that embarked upon by President Clinton since his election in 1992. Lookingfirst at the roots of Clinton's policy towards the Disintigrating USSR during the election campaign and at the perceived orientation of the new administration towards domestic rather Thanforeign issues, he analyses the formation and execution of White House policy towards Post-Soviet Russia and concludes that while it has been subject to serious Dfficulty, and while Thefuture remains uncertain in the extreme, us strategy towards Russia and the Otherformer Soviet Republics is unlikely to change radically while Clinton remains president. |
| In the light of brexit, the migration crisis, and growing scepticism regarding the European integration process, this book offers A comprehensive overview of the most pressing problems facing The European Union in the 21st century. Written by experts from various disciplines, the contributions cover A wide range of economic, legal, social and political challenges, including populism, migration, brexit, and Eu Defence, foreign policy and enlargements. Each paper includes a historical account, insights into the problems and challenges confronting the Eu, and an assessment of the institutions and policy instruments applied by the Eu in response. Discussing each of the problems as part of a process – including the historical roots, current situation and potential solutions – the book allows readers to gain an understanding of The European Union As a living project. | In the light of brexit, the migration crisis, and growing scepticism regarding the european integration process, this book offers A comprehensive overview of the most pressing problems facing the european union in the 21st century. Written by experts from various disciplines, the contributions cover A wide range of economic, legal, social and political challenges, including populism, migration, brexit, and eu defence, foreign policy and enlargements. Each paper includes a historical account, insights into the problems and challenges confronting the Eu, and an assessment of the institutions and policy instruments applied by the Eu in response. Discussing each of the problems as part of a process – including the historical roots, current situation and potential solutions – the book allows readers to gain an understanding of the european union As a living project. | In the light of Brexit, the migration crisis, and growing scepticism regarding the European integration process, this book offers a comprehensive overview of the most pressing problems facing the European Union in the 21st century. written by experts from various disciplines, the contributions cover a wide range of economic, legal, social and political challenges, including populism, migration, Brexit, and Eu defence, foreign policy and enlargements. Each paper includes a historical account, insights into the problems and challenges confronting the Eu, and an assessment of the institutions and policy instruments applied by the Eu in response. discussing each of the problems as part of a process – including the historical roots, current situation and potential solutions – the book allows readers to gain an understanding of the European Union as a living project. |
| In this report the author explores the concept on rogue or 'crazy' states in the international community, an important topic In the increasingly multipolar and dangerous world of the post-cold war era. In such an environment, the author concludes, after examining the progressive craziness of the third reich under adolf hitler, the rational basis for strategy breaks down. Strategic rationality is simply not sufficient to gauge the behavior of such states in the international arena--a particularly dangerous turn of events in an era of mass destruction weapons proliferation. | In this report the author explores the concept on rogue or 'crazy' states in the international community, an important topic In the increasingly multipolar and dangerous world of the post-cold war era. In such an environment, the author concludes, after examining the progressive craziness of the third reich under Adolf Hitler, the rational basis for strategy breaks down. Strategic rationality is simply not sufficient to gauge the behavior of such states in the international arena--a particularly dangerous turn of events in an era of mass destruction weapons proliferation. | In this report the author EXPLORES the concept on rogue or 'Crazy' States in the international community, an important topic in the increasingly Multipolar and dangerous world of the Post-Cold war era. In such an environment, the author concludes, after examining the progressive Craziness of the third Reich under Adolf Hitler, the rational basis for strategy breaks down. strategic rationality is simply not sufficient to gauge the behavior of such States in the International arena--a particularly dangerous turn of events in an era of mass destruction weapons proliferation. |
| Political science abstracts is an annual supplement to the political science, government, and public policy series of the universal reference system, which was first published in 1967. All back issues are still available. | Political science abstracts is an annual supplement to the political science, government, and public policy series of the universal reference system, which was first published in 1967. All back issues are still available. | Political science abstracts is an annual supplement to the political science, government, and public policy series of the universal reference system, which was first published in 1967. All back issues are still available. |
| Designed for use in courses on contemporary Russia, this volume explores Russia's policy dilemmas in three realms: international security, socio-political, and socio-economic. In each of these categories, Russia faces daunting problems, none of which is likely to be resolved quickly or easily. Yet, over the longer term, the extent to which policymakers are successful in dealing with these challenges will go far in determining Russia's future place in the world, how Russians will live, and what kind of country Russia becomes. Each expertly authored chapter outlines the nature of one major issue; traces it evolution and policy developments under the Yeltsin and Putin Presidencies; and evaluates the effectiveness and prospects of efforts to come to grips with the challenge. | Designed for use in courses on contemporary Russia, this volume explores Russia's policy dilemmas in three realms: international security, socio-political, and socio-economic. In each of these categories, Russia faces daunting problems, none of which is likely to be resolved quickly or easily. Yet, over the longer term, the extent to which policymakers are successful in dealing with these challenges will go far in determining Russia's future place in the world, how Russians will live, and what kind of country Russia becomes. Each expertly authored chapter outlines the nature of one major issue; traces it evolution and policy developments under the Yeltsin and Putin presidencies; and evaluates the effectiveness and prospects of efforts to come to grips with the challenge. | Designed for use in courses on contemporary Russia, this volume EXPLORES Russia's policy dilemmas in three realms: international security, socio-political, and socio-economic. In each of these categories, Russia faces daunting problems, none of which is likely to be resolved quickly or easily. Yet, over the longer term, the extent to which policymakers are successful in dealing with these challenges will go far in determining Russia's future place in the world, how Russians will live, and what kind of country Russia becomes. Each expertly authored chapter outlines the nature of one major issue; traces it evolution and policy developments under the Yeltsin and Putin Presidencies; and evaluates the effectiveness and prospects of efforts to come to grips with the challenge. |
| Russia has recently re-emerged as the dominant political, economic and military actor in former Soviet nations. Kanet and freire bring together a stellar cast of contributors to consider Russia's recent return As a major regional and international actor and its likely future policy Toward its neighbours. | Russia has recently re-emerged as the dominant political, economic and military actor in former soviet nations. Kanet and Freire bring together a stellar cast of contributors to consider Russia's recent return As a major regional and international actor and its likely future policy Toward its neighbours. | Russia has recently re-emerged as the dominant political, economic and military actor in former Soviet nations. Kanet and Freire bring together a stellar cast of contributors to consider Russia's recent return as a major regional and international actor and its likely future policy toward its neighbours. |
| Utilizing a web-based simulation statecraft, we explore the relative influence of ideology (realism and idealism) on student behavior and learning. By placing students into ideologically cohesive groups, we are able to demonstrate the effect of their ideology on the goals They pursue and identify the constraints imposed on the system by the behavior of groups as well. | Utilizing a web-based simulation statecraft, we explore the relative influence of ideology (realism and idealism) on student behavior and learning. By placing students into ideologically cohesive groups, we are able to demonstrate the effect of their ideology on the goals They pursue and identify the constraints imposed on the system by the behavior of groups as well. | Utilizing a Web-Based simulation Statecraft, we explore the relative influence of ideology (realism and idealism) on student behavior and learning. by placing students into ideologically cohesive groups, we are able to demonstrate the effect of their ideology on the goals they pursue and identify the constraints imposed on the system by the behavior of groups as well. |
| Although the end of the cold war brought the transformation of the communist bloc, some states have resisted the ensuing wave of democratization. This study assumes that important mechanisms of continuity and change in Communist states are situated in the belief systems of their leaders and that the years between 1985 and 1991 were a catalytic period. What did fidel castro of Cuba and kim il sung of North Korea learn from the end of the cold war? Their belief systems are examined prior to 1985 and after 1991, i.e., before and after the collapse of other Communist regimes. If learning has occurred, it should be reflected in a comparison of their beliefs for these time periods. Our results from Anova analyses indicate that fidel castro engaged in some learning but kim il sung did not. This finding is complemented by the results of a manova analysis, which indicate that the end of the cold war Had only a modest impact on fidel castro and kim il sung, independent of their specific personalities. We conclude by drawing attention To the ensuing debate between Structural‐ and agent‐level theorizing and by giving some suggestions for future research. | Although the end of the cold war brought the transformation of the communist bloc, some states have resisted the ensuing wave of democratization. This study assumes that important mechanisms of continuity and change in communist states are situated in the belief systems of their leaders and that the years between 1985 and 1991 were a catalytic period. What did Fidel Castro of Cuba and Kim Il sung of North Korea learn from the end of the cold war? Their belief systems are examined prior to 1985 and after 1991, i.e., before and after the collapse of other communist regimes. If learning has occurred, it should be reflected in a comparison of their beliefs for these time periods. Our results from anova analyses indicate that Fidel Castro engaged in some learning but Kim Il sung did not. This finding is complemented by the results of a manova analysis, which indicate that the end of the cold war Had only a modest impact on Fidel Castro and Kim Il sung, independent of their specific personalities. We conclude by drawing attention To the ensuing debate between structural‐ and agent‐level theorizing and by giving some suggestions for future research. | Although the end of the cold war brought the transformation of the Communist bloc, some States have resisted the ensuing wave of democratization. This study assumes that important mechanisms of continuity and change in Communist States are situated in the belief systems of their leaders and that the years between 1985 and 1991 were a catalytic period. What did Fidel Castro of Cuba and Kim Il sung of North Korea learn from the end of the cold war? their belief systems are examined prior to 1985 and after 1991, i.e., before and after the collapse of other Communist regimes. If learning has occurred, it should be reflected in a comparison of their beliefs for these time periods. Our results from ANova analyses indicate that Fidel Castro engaged in some learning but Kim Il sung did not. This finding is Complemented by the results of a Manova analysis, which indicate that the end of the cold war had only a modest impact on Fidel Castro and Kim Il sung, independent of their specific personalities. We conclude by drawing attention to the ensuing debate between Structural‐ and Agent‐Level theorizing and by giving some suggestions for future research. |
| Alexander l. george was one of the most productive and respected political scientists of the late twentieth century. He and his wife, juliette george, wrote one of the first psychobiographies, and professor george went on to write seminal articles and books focusing on political psychology, the operational code, foreign policy decisionmaking, case study methodology, deterrence, coercive diplomacy, policy legitimacy, and bridging the gap between the academic and policymaking communities. This book is the first and only one to contain examples of the works across these fields written by alexander george and several of his collaborators. • This is a collection of alexander l. george's works from the major fields to which he contributed. • there are biographical essays by his wife and co-author (juliette l. george), daughter (mary george douglass), former student (dan caldwell), and professional colleague (janice gross stein). • there are 25 photographs of alexander l. george and his family which have not previously been published. | Alexander L. George was one of the most productive and respected political scientists of the late twentieth century. He and his wife, Juliette George, wrote one of the first psychobiographies, and professor George went on to write seminal articles and books focusing on political psychology, the operational code, foreign policy decisionmaking, case study methodology, deterrence, coercive diplomacy, policy legitimacy, and bridging the gap between the academic and policymaking communities. This book is the first and only one to contain examples of the works across these fields written by Alexander George and several of his collaborators. • This is a collection of Alexander l. George's works from the major fields to which he contributed. • there are biographical essays by his wife and co-author (Juliette L. George), daughter (Mary George Douglass), former student (Dan Caldwell), and professional colleague (Janice Gross Stein). • there are 25 photographs of Alexander L. George and his family which have not previously been published. | Alexander L. George was one of the most productive and respected political scientists of the late twentieth century. He and his wife, Juliette George, wrote one of the first Psychobiographies, and professor George went on to write seminal articles and books focusing on political psychology, the operational code, foreign policy decisionmaking, case study methodology, deterrence, coercive diplomacy, policy legitimacy, and bridging the gap between the academic and policymaking communities. This book is the first and only one to contain examples of the works across these fields written by Alexander George and several of his collaborators. • this is a collection of Alexander L. George's works from the major fields to which he contributed. • there are biographical essays by his wife and co-author (Juliette L. George), daughter (Mary George Douglass), former student (Dan Caldwell), and professional colleague (Janice gross Stein). • there are 25 photographs of Alexander L. George and his family which have not previously been published. |
| First published in 2000. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company. | First published in 2000. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company. | First published in 2000. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an Informa company. |
| The intellectual debts which i have incurred in the preparation of this study are many. Foremost, i wish to express my warm appreciation and gratitude to professor henry l. mason for his sound advice, gentle encouragement, and continuous guidance. In addition, i would like to extend my sincere thanks to professors david r. deener, warren robertsjr. And john l. snell for their critical comments and helpful suggestions which led to frequent and fruitful reconsideration of the substance and form of the inquiry. I am also very grateful to professor j. w. smurr who made many constructive suggestions with regard to the content and style of the manuscript. A special debt is owed to mr. Jon reinhardt Who read the Manu script in its entirety and suggested a number of stylistic improvements. Richard paulig, former consul-general of the federal republic of ger in New Orleans, La., was most helpful by assisting in the col many, lection of certain source materials, and the staff members of the Bundestag library In Bonn, Germany, under the direction of bibliotheksoberrat dr. Heinz matthes Aided the research for this study with outstanding efficiency. Finally, my most heartfelt expressions of gratitude Are Re served for my wife, betty, whose encouragement and sympathetic understanding have helped me through this work. | The intellectual debts which i have incurred in the preparation of this study are many. Foremost, i wish to express my warm appreciation and gratitude to professor henry L. Mason for his sound advice, gentle encouragement, and continuous guidance. In addition, i would like to extend my sincere thanks to professors David R. Deener, Warren robertsjR. And John L. Snell for their critical comments and helpful suggestions which led to frequent and fruitful reconsideration of the substance and form of the inquiry. I am also very grateful to professor J. W. Smurr who made many constructive suggestions with regard to the content and style of the manuscript. A special debt is owed to Mr. Jon Reinhardt Who read the manu script in its entirety and suggested a number of stylistic improvements. Richard Paulig, former consul-general of the federal republic of Ger in new Orleans, La., was most helpful by assisting in the col many, lection of certain source materials, and the staff members of the Bundestag library In Bonn, Germany, under the direction of bibliotheksoberrat Dr. Heinz Matthes Aided the research for this study with outstanding efficiency. Finally, my most heartfelt expressions of gratitude Are re served for my wife, Betty, whose encouragement and sympathetic understanding have helped me through this work. | The intellectual debts which I have incurred in the preparation of this study are many. foremost, I wish to express my warm appreciation and gratitude to Professor Henry L. Mason for his sound advice, gentle encouragement, and continuous guidance. In addition, I would like to extend my sincere thanks to professors David R. Deener, Warren Robertsjr. and John L. Snell for their critical comments and helpful suggestions which led to frequent and fruitful reconsideration of the substance and form of the inquiry. I am also very grateful to Professor J. W. Smurr who made many constructive suggestions with regard to the content and style of the manuscript. a special debt is owed to Mr. Jon Reinhardt who read the Manu script in its entirety and suggested a number of stylistic improvements. Richard Paulig, former Consul-General of the Federal Republic of Ger in New Orleans, La., was most helpful by assisting in the Col many, Lection of certain source materials, and the staff members of the Bundestag library in Bonn, Germany, under the direction of Bibliotheksoberrat Dr. Heinz Matthes aided the research for this study with outstanding efficiency. Finally, my most heartfelt expressions of gratitude are Re served for my wife, Betty, whose encouragement and sympathetic understanding have helped me through this work. |
| This book examines the ongoing power transition and its ramifications for world order from an international society perspective. In that perspective, the outcome of big changes in the distribution of power is a matter of socialization rather than structural determination or the resilience of the so-called liberal world order. Consequently, the key question of this book is how the ongoing power transition affects, and is affected by, the social institutions of world order including sovereignty, the balance of power, international law, diplomacy, trade, humanitarian intervention, national self-determination, and environmental stewardship. The guiding theoretical assumption of the book is that power transition stimulates fundamental institutional change rather than major conflict or a breakdown of international order, while international organizations are key arenas for the realization and negotiation of such changes, not the victims of hegemonic retreat. The argument is pursued in sections on rising and declining powers (anglo-america, Russia, China and the eu, among others), consequences for the fundamental social institutions and changes in international organizations, globally and regionally. In combination, the chapters reveal the contours of the coming world order. Tonny brems knudsen is associate professor of international relations at the department of political science, Aarhus University, Denmark. Cornelia navari is visiting professor of international affairs at The University Of Buckingham and emeritus senior lecturer at The University Of Birmingham, Uk. | This book examines the ongoing power transition and its ramifications for world order from an international society perspective. In that perspective, the outcome of big changes in the distribution of power is a matter of socialization rather than structural determination or the resilience of the so-called liberal world order. Consequently, the key question of this book is how the ongoing power transition affects, and is affected by, the social institutions of world order including sovereignty, the balance of power, international law, diplomacy, trade, humanitarian intervention, national self-determination, and environmental stewardship. The guiding theoretical assumption of the book is that power transition stimulates fundamental institutional change rather than major conflict or a breakdown of international order, while international organizations are key arenas for the realization and negotiation of such changes, not the victims of hegemonic retreat. The argument is pursued in sections on rising and declining powers (anglo-America, Russia, China and the Eu, among others), consequences for the fundamental social institutions and changes in international organizations, globally and regionally. In combination, the chapters reveal the contours of the coming world order. Tonny brems knudsen is associate professor of international relations at the department of political science, Aarhus university, Denmark. Cornelia Navari is visiting professor of international affairs at the university of Buckingham and emeritus senior lecturer at the university of Birmingham, Uk. | This book examines the ongoing power transition and its ramifications for world order from an international society perspective. in that perspective, the outcome of big changes in the distribution of power is a matter of socialization rather than structural determination or the resilience of the so-called liberal world order. Consequently, the key question of this book is how the ongoing power transition affects, and is affected by, the social institutions of world order including sovereignty, the balance of power, international law, diplomacy, trade, humanitarian intervention, national self-determination, and environmental stewardship. The guiding theoretical assumption of the book is that power transition stimulates fundamental institutional change rather than major conflict or a breakdown of international order, while international organizations are key arenas for the realization and negotiation of such changes, not the victims of Hegemonic retreat. The argument is pursued in sections on rising and declining powers (Anglo-America, Russia, China and the Eu, among others), consequences for the fundamental social institutions and changes in international organizations, globally and regionally. In combination, the chapters reveal the contours of the coming world order. Tonny Brems Knudsen is associate professor of international relations at the Department of political science, Aarhus University, Denmark. Cornelia Navari is visiting professor of international affairs at the University of Buckingham and emeritus senior lecturer at the University of Birmingham, UK. |
| No matter how the north is demarcated, The Russian Federation Constitutes A significant share. Already its mere physical size and numerous neighboring states make Russia a noteworthy player and its actions, or lack thereof, are likely to affect other countries. Accordingly, it is in the interests of these countries to try to have a say in the direction that development in Russia takes. Many European policies and instruments Aimed at influencing Russia's development have, however, approached the country as an object rather than a subject. Russia has often taken These asymmetric approaches with a pinch of salt. This paper examines the northern dimension of The European Union As an example of a policy tool that stands a chance to have a strong impact on how Russia regards cooperation With its Northern European neighbors and, in consequence, the entire order and balance in a changing north. Positive experiences from an equal partnership within this context may function As a usable springboard To further development and prompt other regional initiatives elsewhere. It is only through such experience that Russia May reject its tenacious strong state discourse and enable the kind of openness that international cooperation would entail. | No matter how the north is demarcated, the russian federation constitutes a significant share. Already its mere physical size and numerous neighboring states make Russia a noteworthy player and its actions, or lack thereof, are likely to affect other countries. Accordingly, it is in the interests of these countries to try to have a say in the direction that development in Russia takes. Many european policies and instruments Aimed at influencing Russia's development have, however, approached the country as an object rather than a subject. Russia has often taken These asymmetric approaches with a pinch of salt. This paper examines the northern dimension of the european union As an example of a policy tool that stands a chance to have a strong impact on how Russia regards cooperation With its northern european neighbors and, in consequence, the entire order and balance in a changing north. Positive experiences from an equal partnership within this context may function As a usable springboard To further development and prompt other regional initiatives elsewhere. It is only through such experience that Russia May reject its tenacious strong state discourse and enable the kind of openness that international cooperation would entail. | No matter how the North is demarcated, the Russian Federation constitutes a significant share. already its mere physical size and numerous neighboring States make Russia a noteworthy Player and its actions, or lack thereof, are likely to affect other countries. Accordingly, it is in the interests of these countries to try to have a say in the direction that development in Russia takes. Many European policies and instruments aimed at influencing Russia's development have, however, approached the country as an object rather than a subject. Russia has often taken these asymmetric approaches with a pinch of salt. This paper examines the northern dimension of the European Union as an example of a policy tool that stands a chance to have a strong impact on how Russia regards cooperation with its northern European neighbors and, in consequence, the entire order and balance in a changing North. positive experiences from an equal partnership within this context may function as a usable springboard to further development and prompt other regional initiatives elsewhere. It is only through such experience that Russia may reject its tenacious strong state discourse and enable the kind of openness that international cooperation would entail. |
| Cognitive frameworks and belief systems are the primary lenses through which presidents view the world. Two important questions are whether these beliefs ever change significantly, and if so, what causes these changes? This article develops empirical data on the strategic and operational beliefs of president george w. bush (Gwb) as a means of examining the theoretical basis for how and why core beliefs change. The author analyzes the foreign policy operational code of president bush in four separate phases of his political career: the immediate prepresidential phase; his nine months in office prior to september 11, 2001; the six months immediately following the 9/11 terrorist attacks; and his last year in office as a second-term president. The results of this article allow us to address Several recurring questions that concern the bush administration and presidents' belief systems and decision making. They challenge traditional interpretations of the bush presidency and provide some insights into the causal mechanisms that underlie belief change. | Cognitive frameworks and belief systems are the primary lenses through which presidents view the world. Two important questions are whether these beliefs ever change significantly, and if so, what causes these changes? This article develops empirical data on the strategic and operational beliefs of President George W. Bush (Gwb) as a means of examining the theoretical basis for how and why core beliefs change. The author analyzes the foreign policy operational code of President Bush in four separate phases of his political career: the immediate prePresidential phase; his nine months in office prior to September 11, 2001; the six months immediately following the 9/11 terrorist attacks; and his last year in office as a second-term President. The results of this article allow us to address Several recurring questions that concern the Bush administration and presidents' belief systems and decision making. They challenge traditional interpretations of the Bush presidency and provide some insights into the causal mechanisms that underlie belief change. | Cognitive Frameworks and belief systems are the primary lenses through which Presidents view the world. two important questions are whether these beliefs ever change significantly, and if so, what causes these changes? this article develops empirical data on the strategic and operational beliefs of President George W. Bush (Gwb) as a means of examining the theoretical basis for how and why core beliefs change. The author analyzes the foreign policy operational code of President Bush in four separate phases of his political career: the immediate Prepresidential phase; his nine months in office prior to September 11, 2001; the six months immediately following the 9/11 terrorist attacks; and his last year in office as a Second-Term President. The results of this article allow us to address several recurring questions that concern the Bush administration and Presidents' belief systems and decision making. They challenge traditional interpretations of the Bush Presidency and provide some insights into the causal mechanisms that underlie belief change. |
| This collection of essays explores the relationship between the Chechens and their Russian conquerors, tracing the growth of mistrust and hostility, the rise of Chechen national feeling, and the culmination of this process in the war of 1994-1996. Each contributor seeks to illuminate the development of this relationship from a different angle: The changing image of the independence fighters of the nineteenth century, the tragic story of the deportation of 1944, and the background of the recent conflict. | This collection of essays explores the relationship between the chechens and their russian conquerors, tracing the growth of mistrust and hostility, the rise of chechen national feeling, and the culmination of this process in the war of 1994-1996. Each contributor seeks to illuminate the development of this relationship from a different angle: The changing image of the independence fighters of the nineteenth century, the tragic story of the deportation of 1944, and the background of the recent conflict. | This collection of essays EXPLORES the relationship between the Chechens and their Russian conquerors, tracing the growth of mistrust and hostility, the rise of Chechen national feeling, and the culmination of this process in the war of 1994-1996. Each contributor seeks to illuminate the development of this relationship from a different angle: the changing image of the independence fighters of the nineteenth century, the tragic story of the deportation of 1944, and the background of the recent conflict. |
| This book explains how the internal dynamics of transition have influenced the relationship between Russia and the eu. Taking an holistic approach, the authors present a balanced analysis exploring Eu, Russian and us perspectives on the Russian-Eu relationship and examine a range of political, economic, business and security issues including the northern dimension of Russian-Eu relations, the chechen situation, Russian domestic economic policy, trade, the business environment, energy and Eu technical assistance. They also address such questions as: will bilateral relations be achieved with a western or Russian model? Who is the main driver of Russian-Eu relations? Is Russia converging with the eu in terms of business, culture, legal environment and systems? Does the Russian-eu link provide A new model for Eu External relations? Will bilateral relations be achieved with a western or Russian model? Who is the main driver of Russian-Eu relations? Is Russia converging with the eu in terms of business, culture, legal environment and systems? Does the Russian-eu link provide A new model for Eu External relations? | This book explains how the internal dynamics of transition have influenced the relationship between Russia and the eu. Taking an holistic approach, the authors present a balanced analysis exploring Eu, russian and us perspectives on the russian-Eu relationship and examine a range of political, economic, business and security issues including the northern dimension of russian-Eu relations, the chechen situation, russian domestic economic policy, trade, the business environment, energy and Eu technical assistance. They also address such questions as: will bilateral relations be achieved with a western or russian model? Who is the main driver of russian-Eu relations? Is Russia converging with the Eu in terms of business, culture, legal environment and systems? Does the russian-Eu link provide A new model for Eu external relations? Will bilateral relations be achieved with a western or russian model? Who is the main driver of russian-Eu relations? Is Russia converging with the Eu in terms of business, culture, legal environment and systems? Does the russian-Eu link provide A new model for Eu external relations? | This book explains how the internal Dynamics of transition have influenced the relationship between Russia and the Eu. taking an Holistic approach, the authors present a balanced analysis exploring Eu, Russian and us perspectives on the Russian-Eu relationship and examine a range of political, economic, business and security issues including the northern dimension of Russian-Eu relations, the Chechen situation, Russian domestic economic policy, trade, the business environment, energy and Eu technical assistance. They also address such questions as: will bilateral relations be achieved with a Western or Russian model? who is the main driver of Russian-Eu relations? is Russia converging with the Eu in terms of business, culture, legal environment and systems? does the Russian-Eu link provide a new model for Eu external relations? will bilateral relations be achieved with a Western or Russian model? who is the main driver of Russian-Eu relations? is Russia converging with the Eu in terms of business, culture, legal environment and systems? does the Russian-Eu link provide a new model for Eu external relations? |
| The rapid changes in Russia since the collapse of The Soviet Union are often bewildering, with many frequent, highly significant changes in the different sectors of the economy and the political system. There have been frequent changes of personnel in government and economic management and many changes have been reversed - and sometimes forgotten, or At other times reinstated. What happened when? Who was responsible for what? Did such a change in one sector precede or follow a particular change elsewhere? These are points not easily remembered. This book provides full details of the many changes, and enables sense To be made of what would otherwise be a confusing situation. Developments are arranged chronologically by sector, and the book is unusual in extensively chronicling both economic and political developments and the crucial connections between them. There is a generous introduction and overview to help the reader find His or her way around. The material covers the period up to late autumn 2000, and thus offers A valuable guide to policies in the putin era. | The rapid changes in Russia since the collapse of the soviet union are often bewildering, with many frequent, highly significant changes in the different sectors of the economy and the political system. There have been frequent changes of personnel in government and economic management and many changes have been reversed - and sometimes forgotten, or At other times reinstated. What happened when? Who was responsible for what? Did such a change in one sector precede or follow a particular change elsewhere? These are points not easily remembered. This book provides full details of the many changes, and enables sense To be made of what would otherwise be a confusing situation. Developments are arranged chronologically by sector, and the book is unusual in extensively chronicling both economic and political developments and the crucial connections between them. There is a generous introduction and overview to help the reader find His or her way around. The material covers the period up to late autumn 2000, and thus offers A valuable guide to policies in the Putin era. | The rapid changes in Russia since the collapse of the Soviet Union are often bewildering, with many frequent, highly significant changes in the different sectors of the economy and the political system. There have been frequent changes of personnel in government and economic management and many changes have been reversed - and sometimes forgotten, or at other times reinstated. What happened when? who was responsible for what? did such a change in one sector precede or follow a particular change elsewhere? these are points not easily remembered. This book provides full details of the many changes, and enables sense to be made of what would otherwise be a confusing situation. developments are arranged chronologically by sector, and the book is unusual in extensively Chronicling both economic and political developments and the crucial connections between them. There is a generous introduction and overview to help the reader find his or her way around. The material covers the period up to late autumn 2000, and thus offers a valuable guide to policies in the Putin era. |
| Focusing on how policy makers make decisions in foreign policy, this book examines how beliefs are causal mechanisms which steer decisions, shape leaders and perceptions of reality, and lead to cognitive and motivated biases that distort, block and recast incoming information from the environment. | Focusing on how policy makers make decisions in foreign policy, this book examines how beliefs are causal mechanisms which steer decisions, shape leaders and perceptions of reality, and lead to cognitive and motivated biases that distort, block and recast incoming information from the environment. | Focusing on how policy makers make decisions in foreign policy, this book examines how beliefs are causal mechanisms which steer decisions, shape leaders and perceptions of reality, and lead to cognitive and motivated biases that distort, block and Recast incoming information from the environment. |
| The right to work pravo na trud, professor a. e. pasherstnik, Moscow, Yurizdat. 1951, 230 pp. Russia's Soviet economy. By harry schwartz. Jonathan cape, London, 1951. Pp. xxvi+592. 36s. notes on soviet‐american relations: 1933–1939 foreign relations of The United States: The Soviet Union, 1933–1939, U.S. government printing office, Washington, D.C., 1952. Krizis Kolonialnoi sistema: Natsionalno‐osvoboditelnaya Borba Naro‐Dov Vostochnoi Azii, (the crisis of the colonial system: the national‐liberation movement of the peoples of eastern asia.) Moscow. Academy Of Sciences. Pacific Institute. 1949. 289 pp. 17 rubles. E. h. carr, German‐Soviet relations between the two world wars, 1919–39. Albert shaw lectures on diplomatic history, 1951, Baltimore, the Johns Hopkins press; 1951, London, geoffrey cumberlege, Oxford University Press. A schematic view of Soviet foreign policies nathan leites, the operational code of the Politburo, rand corporation, New York, 1951, 100 pp. | The right to work pravo na Trud, professor a. E. Pasherstnik, Moscow, Yurizdat. 1951, 230 pp. Russia's soviet economy. By Harry Schwartz. Jonathan Cape, London, 1951. Pp. xxvi+592. 36s. notes on soviet‐american relations: 1933–1939 foreign relations of the United States: the soviet union, 1933–1939, U.S. government printing office, Washington, D.C., 1952. Krizis Kolonialnoi Sistema: Natsionalno‐osvoboditelnaya Borba naro‐dov vostochnoi azii, (the crisis of the colonial system: the national‐liberation movement of the peoples of eastern Asia.) Moscow. Academy of sciences. Pacific institute. 1949. 289 pp. 17 rubles. E. H. Carr, german‐soviet relations between the two world wars, 1919–39. Albert Shaw lectures on diplomatic history, 1951, Baltimore, the Johns Hopkins press; 1951, London, Geoffrey cumberlege, Oxford university press. A schematic view of soviet foreign policies Nathan leites, the operational code of the politburo, Rand corporation, new York, 1951, 100 pp. | The right to work Pravo NA Trud, professor A. E. Pasherstnik, Moscow, Yurizdat. 1951, 230 Pp. Russia's Soviet economy. by Harry Schwartz. Jonathan Cape, London, 1951. Pp. Xxvi+592. 36S. notes on Soviet‐American relations: 1933–1939 foreign relations of the United States: the Soviet Union, 1933–1939, U.S. government Printing office, Washington, D.C., 1952. Krizis Kolonialnoi Sistema: Natsionalno‐Osvoboditelnaya Borba Naro‐Dov Vostochnoi Azii, (the crisis of the colonial system: the National‐Liberation movement of the peoples of Eastern Asia.) Moscow. Academy of sciences. Pacific Institute. 1949. 289 Pp. 17 Rubles. E. H. Carr, German‐Soviet relations between the two world wars, 1919–39. Albert Shaw lectures on diplomatic history, 1951, Baltimore, the Johns Hopkins press; 1951, London, Geoffrey Cumberlege, Oxford University press. A schematic view of Soviet foreign policies Nathan Leites, the operational code of the Politburo, rand corporation, New York, 1951, 100 Pp. |
| Operational code analysis (oca) has a long and illustrious place in the history of foreign policy analysis. Most of the early empirical work on operational codes was qualitative, providing thick descriptions of an actor's beliefs, fears, and motivations. More recently, a quantitative approach has been developed and has become the standard modus operandi in the contemporary literature. This chapter provides A brief history of oca, an explanation of the quantitative version of oca called the verbs in context system (vics), and a literature review of vics applications. It also includes a discussion of some methodological considerations associated with vics, including some helpful resources for those new to the research program, and a somewhat larger Discussion of three applications as exemplars. The conclusion discusses some strengths and limitations of vics, recent trends in this research program, and some general suggestions for future research. | Operational code analysis (Oca) has a long and illustrious place in the history of foreign policy analysis. Most of the early empirical work on operational codes was qualitative, providing thick descriptions of an actor's beliefs, fears, and motivations. More recently, a quantitative approach has been developed and has become the standard modus operandi in the contemporary literature. This chapter provides A brief history of oca, an explanation of the quantitative version of oca called the verbs in context system (vics), and a literature review of vics applications. It also includes a discussion of some methodological considerations associated with vics, including some helpful resources for those new to the research program, and a somewhat larger Discussion of three applications as exemplars. The conclusion discusses some strengths and limitations of vics, recent trends in this research program, and some general suggestions for future research. | Operational code analysis (Oca) has a long and illustrious place in the history of foreign policy analysis. Most of the early empirical work on operational codes was qualitative, providing thick descriptions of an actor's beliefs, fears, and motivations. more recently, a quantitative approach has been developed and has become the standard modus Operandi in the contemporary literature. This chapter provides a brief history of Oca, an explanation of the quantitative version of Oca called the verbs in context system (Vics), and a literature review of Vics applications. It also includes a discussion of some methodological considerations associated with Vics, including some helpful resources for those new to the research program, and a somewhat larger discussion of three applications as Exemplars. The conclusion discusses some strengths and limitations of Vics, recent trends in this research program, and some general suggestions for future research. |
| First published in 2015. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company. The subject of external influences on the post-communist transitions is vast. This chapter presents an overview for some of the key concepts discussed in subsequent chapters of the book. The book details and evaluates the nature of forces within the international environments of Russia and the newly independent states. It explores claims about the direct impact of some of these forces on aspects of transformation and amelioration. The book also provides valuable analytical and methodological tools for building upon these results. Many of newly independent states of the former Soviet union are facing a plenitude of challenges, each of which may be affected differentially by international influences. These countries face the challenges of constructing new national identities and infusing these in their populations (nation building), of building state administrations that reliably coordinate public affairs (state building), of demilitarizing and restructuring (not just marketizing and privatizing) Their economies, and of redefining their places in the international political and economic orders. | First published in 2015. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company. The subject of external influences on the post-communist transitions is vast. This chapter presents an overview for some of the key concepts discussed in subsequent chapters of the book. The book details and evaluates the nature of forces within the international environments of Russia and the newly independent states. It explores claims about the direct impact of some of these forces on aspects of transformation and amelioration. The book also provides valuable analytical and methodological tools for building upon these results. Many of newly independent states of the former soviet union are facing a plenitude of challenges, each of which may be affected differentially by international influences. These countries face the challenges of constructing new national identities and infusing these in their populations (nation building), of building state administrations that reliably coordinate public affairs (state building), of demilitarizing and restructuring (not just marketizing and privatizing) Their economies, and of redefining their places in the international political and economic orders. | First published in 2015. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an Informa company. the subject of external influences on the Post-Communist transitions is vast. This chapter presents an overview for some of the key concepts discussed in subsequent chapters of the book. The book details and evaluates the nature of forces within the International environments of Russia and the newly independent States. It EXPLORES claims about the direct impact of some of these forces on aspects of transformation and Amelioration. The book also provides valuable Analytical and methodological tools for building upon these results. Many of newly independent States of the former Soviet Union are facing a plenitude of challenges, each of which may be affected Differentially by international influences. These countries face the challenges of constructing new national identities and Infusing these in their populations (nation building), of building state administrations that reliably coordinate public affairs (state building), of Demilitarizing and restructuring (not just Marketizing and privatizing) their economies, and of redefining their places in the International political and economic orders. |
| This work covers the uncertain geopolitical situation of some countries of central and eastern europe, including some of those which are hoping to enter The European Union in the near future, some for which entry is far off, and some which may never seek or be eligible for membership. | This work covers the uncertain geopolitical situation of some countries of central and eastern Europe, including some of those which are hoping to enter the European union in the near future, some for which entry is far off, and some which may never seek or be eligible for membership. | This work covers the uncertain geopolitical situation of some countries of central and Eastern Europe, including some of those which are hoping to enter the European Union in the near future, some for which entry is far off, and some which may never seek or be eligible for membership. |
| Written from the perspectives of regional and international participants, this book explores the causes and consequences of chronic conflicts in the balkans. Assessing the likelihood of a region-wide conflagration, the contributors examine the ongoing carnage in Bosnia, the looming crisis over Kosovo, the dispute between Greece and Macedonia over the latter's name, and the ongoing tension between Greece and Albania. His comprehensive volume includes separate chapters on the major actors in the bakans: Serbia, Macedonia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro, HUngary, Albania, Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey, Germany, Russia, The United States, the Eu, Nato, and the Un. Each case study provides the historical background and current concerns of that actor, analyzes its policies, and weighs future scenarios. | Written from the perspectives of regional and international participants, this book explores the causes and consequences of chronic conflicts in the Balkans. Assessing the likelihood of a region-wide conflagration, the contributors examine the ongoing carnage in Bosnia, the looming crisis over Kosovo, the dispute between Greece and Macedonia over the latter's name, and the ongoing tension between Greece and Albania. His comprehensive volume includes separate chapters on the major actors in the Bakans: Serbia, Macedonia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro, HUngary, Albania, Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey, Germany, Russia, the United States, the Eu, Nato, and the Un. Each case study provides the historical background and current concerns of that actor, analyzes its policies, and weighs future scenarios. | Written from the perspectives of regional and international participants, this book EXPLORES the causes and consequences of chronic conflicts in the Balkans. assessing the likelihood of a Region-Wide conflagration, the contributors examine the ongoing carnage in Bosnia, the looming crisis over Kosovo, the dispute between Greece and Macedonia over the latter's name, and the ongoing tension between Greece and Albania. His comprehensive volume includes separate chapters on the major actors in the Bakans: Serbia, Macedonia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro, Hungary, Albania, Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey, Germany, Russia, the United States, the Eu, NATO, and the UN. each case study provides the historical background and current concerns of that actor, analyzes its policies, and weighs future scenarios. |
| This book presents the evolution of the field of foreign policy analysis and explains the theories that have structured research in this area over the last 50 years. It provides the essentials of emerging theoretical trends, data and methodological pitfalls and major case-studies and is designed to be a key entry point for graduate students, upper-level undergraduates and scholars into the discipline. The volume features an eclectic panorama of different conceptual, theoretical and methodological approaches to foreign political analysis, focusing on different models of analysis such as two-level game analysis, bureaucratic politics, strategic culture, cybernetics, poliheuristic analysis, cognitive mapping, gender studies, groupthink and the systemic sources of foreign policy. The authors also clarify conceptual notions such as doctrines, ideologies and national interest, through the lenses of foreign policy analysis. | This book presents the evolution of the field of foreign policy analysis and explains the theories that have structured research in this area over the last 50 years. It provides the essentials of emerging theoretical trends, data and methodological pitfalls and major case-studies and is designed to be a key entry point for graduate students, upper-level undergraduates and scholars into the discipline. The volume features an eclectic panorama of different conceptual, theoretical and methodological approaches to foreign political analysis, focusing on different models of analysis such as two-level game analysis, bureaucratic politics, strategic culture, cybernetics, poliheuristic analysis, cognitive mapping, gender studies, groupthink and the systemic sources of foreign policy. The authors also clarify conceptual notions such as doctrines, ideologies and national interest, through the lenses of foreign policy analysis. | This book presents the evolution of the field of foreign policy analysis and explains the theories that have structured research in this area over the last 50 years. It provides the essentials of emerging theoretical trends, data and methodological pitfalls and major Case-Studies and is designed to be a key entry point for graduate students, upper-level undergraduates and scholars into the discipline. The volume features an eclectic panorama of different conceptual, theoretical and methodological approaches to foreign political analysis, focusing on different models of analysis such as Two-Level game analysis, bureaucratic politics, strategic culture, cybernetics, Poliheuristic analysis, cognitive mapping, gender studies, Groupthink and the systemic sources of foreign policy. The authors also clarify conceptual notions such as doctrines, ideologies and national interest, through the lenses of foreign policy analysis. |
| The unanimous passage of security council resolution 1441 marked The onset of the most severe crisis of legitimacy that The United Nations has faced in the post-cold war period. While some have asserted that the diplomatic clashes between erstwhile allies France and The United States were inevitable given the rise of American unipolarity, an analysis of events leading to the failed us attempt to gain A second Resolution reveals That the outcome was among the least preferred for both participants. Using the verbs in context system, we conduct a computer-based content analysis of the public statements of The United States and French leaders. Our findings suggest That the diplomatic breakdown was exacerbated by each leaders' elevated sense Of control over the situation and their inaccurate perception of their opponent's preferences. | The unanimous passage of security council resolution 1441 marked The onset of the most severe crisis of legitimacy that the united nations has faced in the post-cold war period. While some have asserted that the diplomatic clashes between erstwhile allies France and the united States were inevitable given the rise of american unipolarity, an analysis of events leading to the failed us attempt to gain A second Resolution reveals That the outcome was among the least preferred for both participants. Using the verbs in context system, we conduct a computer-based content analysis of the public statements of the united States and french leaders. Our findings suggest That the diplomatic breakdown was exacerbated by each leaders' elevated sense Of control over the situation and their inaccurate perception of their opponent's preferences. | The unanimous passage of security Council resolution 1441 marked the onset of the most severe crisis of legitimacy that the United Nations has faced in the Post-Cold war period. While some have asserted that the diplomatic clashes between Erstwhile allies France and the United States were inevitable given the rise of American Unipolarity, an analysis of events leading to the failed us attempt to gain a second resolution reveals that the outcome was among the least preferred for both participants. using the verbs in context system, we conduct a Computer-Based content analysis of the public statements of the United States and French leaders. Our findings suggest that the diplomatic breakdown was exacerbated by each leaders' elevated sense of control over the situation and their inaccurate perception of their opponent's preferences. |
| This text establishes the concept of euro-asia as the means to discuss the European and Asian countries that are undergoing post-cold war transformation. Elements of the transitional changes covered include: conflicts and peacekeeping, geopolitical issues and economic realities. | This text establishes the concept of euro-asia as the means to discuss the european and asian countries that are undergoing post-cold war transformation. Elements of the transitional changes covered include: conflicts and peacekeeping, geopolitical issues and economic realities. | This text establishes the concept of Euro-Asia as the means to discuss the European and Asian countries that are undergoing Post-Cold war transformation. elements of the transitional changes covered include: conflicts and peacekeeping, geopolitical issues and economic realities. |
| This is an updated edition of the now-classic original of the same title. It has three new substantial chapters: A prologue, a chapter on new evidence on world war I, and an epilogue. The updated edition contains the now-famous typology of international crisis, the original critique of deterrence, the emphasis on agency, and the turn to political psychology to explain sharp departures from rational policy-making. The new chapters update and reevaluate these arguments and approach a critical hindsight assessment in light of post-cold war developments. Richard ned lebow is professor of international political theory at Kings College London, Uk. | This is an updated edition of the now-classic original of the same title. It has three new substantial chapters: A prologue, a chapter on new evidence on world war I, and an epilogue. The updated edition contains the now-famous typology of international crisis, the original critique of deterrence, the emphasis on agency, and the turn to political psychology to explain sharp departures from rational policy-making. The new chapters update and reevaluate these arguments and approach a critical hindsight assessment in light of post-cold war developments. Richard Ned Lebow is professor of international political theory at kings college London, Uk. | This is an updated edition of the Now-Classic original of the same title. It has three new substantial chapters: a Prologue, a chapter on new evidence on world war I, and an epilogue. The updated edition contains the now-famous typology of international crisis, the original critique of deterrence, the emphasis on agency, and the turn to political psychology to explain sharp departures from rational policy-making. The new chapters update and reevaluate these arguments and approach a critical hindsight assessment in light of Post-Cold war developments. Richard Ned LeBow is professor of international political theory at Kings college London, UK. |
| The theory proposed is designed to produce systematic information about contemporary patterns of conflict behavior and to judge the practicality of identifying the form of these patterns over time. It is based upon the belief That behavior begets behavior--that the behavior of one nation towards another is a function of its previous experience with that nation. Thus A nation's future behavior will be a function of both its own momentum in dealing with this opponent, As well as its expectations of the strategy An opponent is most likely to adopt when responding to an influence attempt. Adopting A theory of dynamic processes and placing some restriction Upon the use of common sense and intuition, should give considerable insight into international conflict processes. | The theory proposed is designed to produce systematic information about contemporary patterns of conflict behavior and to judge the practicality of identifying the form of these patterns over time. It is based upon the belief That behavior begets behavior--that the behavior of one nation towards another is a function of its previous experience with that nation. Thus A nation's future behavior will be a function of both its own momentum in dealing with this opponent, As well as its expectations of the strategy An opponent is most likely to adopt when responding to an influence attempt. Adopting A theory of dynamic processes and placing some restriction Upon the use of common sense and intuition, should give considerable insight into international conflict processes. | The theory proposed is designed to produce systematic information about contemporary patterns of conflict behavior and to judge the practicality of identifying the form of these patterns over time. It is based upon the belief that behavior Begets behavior--that the behavior of one nation towards another is a function of its previous experience with that nation. Thus a nation's future behavior will be a function of both its own momentum in dealing with this opponent, as well as its expectations of the strategy an opponent is most likely to adopt when responding to an influence attempt. adopting a theory of dynamic processes and placing some restriction upon the use of common sense and intuition, should give considerable insight into international conflict processes. |
| By combining perspectives from experts in domestic politics, regional politics, and specialists in international security, this edited volume focuses on the central role of energy production and supply in the Russian-western completion across eurasia. | By combining perspectives from experts in domestic politics, regional politics, and specialists in international security, this edited volume focuses on the central role of energy production and supply in the russian-western completion across Eurasia. | By combining perspectives from experts in domestic politics, regional politics, and specialists in international security, this edited volume focuses on the central role of energy production and supply in the Russian-Western completion across Eurasia. |
| This is the first attempt to systematically study the nature of the political leadership system under Stalin. It focuses both on the formal institutions of power, such as the Politburo, and on the informal networks of decision-making that were a central feature of his system of rule. It draws on a wealth of new archival material to highlight Stalin's relations with his co-leaders and wider elite groups, and Offers different perspectives on the nature and degree of Stalin's system of personal power. | This is the first attempt to systematically study the nature of the political leadership system under Stalin. It focuses both on the formal institutions of power, such as the politburo, and on the informal networks of decision-making that were a central feature of his system of rule. It draws on a wealth of new archival material to highlight Stalin's relations with his co-leaders and wider elite groups, and Offers different perspectives on the nature and degree of Stalin's system of personal power. | This is the first attempt to systematically study the nature of the political leadership system under Stalin. It focuses both on the formal institutions of power, such as the Politburo, and on the informal networks of decision-making that were a central feature of his system of rule. It draws on a wealth of new Archival material to highlight Stalin's relations with his Co-Leaders and wider elite groups, and offers different perspectives on the nature and degree of Stalin's system of personal power. |
| During the cold war, military conflicts in Vietnam and Afghanistan validated The Importanct Of War in global power dynamics. But military intervention proved not to be politically sustainable for The Usa and the ussr. This study investigates the parallels and differences in the two conflicts. | During the cold war, military conflicts in Vietnam and Afghanistan validated the importanct of war in global power dynamics. But military intervention proved not to be politically sustainable for the Usa and the Ussr. This study investigates the parallels and differences in the two conflicts. | During the cold war, military conflicts in Vietnam and Afghanistan validated the Importanct of war in global power Dynamics. But military intervention proved not to be politically sustainable for the USA and the USSR. This study investigates the parallels and differences in the two conflicts. |
| This unique book investigates the complex transformation of Turkey's foreign policy, focusing on changing threat perceptions and the reformulation of its western identity. This transformation cannot be explained solely in terms of strategic choices or agency driven policies but encompasses power shifts and systemic transformations. Is turkey shifting its axis? Will this affect Its traditional western-oriented foreign policy? The book begins by discussing the relationship between security and globalization, using examples of Turkey's regional positioning. It then focuses on to what extent the 'traditional' discourse on security in Turkish politics, which prevailed during the cold war era and beyond, has undergone a change in the new era. This timely book is a much needed account of how pragmatism rather than ideology is the main determinant in Turkey's current foreign policy and should be read by all looking for a fresh and stimulating take on Turkey's response to globalization And the internationalization of security in the 21st century. | This unique book investigates the complex transformation of turkey's foreign policy, focusing on changing threat perceptions and the reformulation of its western identity. This transformation cannot be explained solely in terms of strategic choices or agency driven policies but encompasses power shifts and systemic transformations. Is turkey shifting its axis? Will this affect Its traditional western-oriented foreign policy? The book begins by discussing the relationship between security and globalization, using examples of turkey's regional positioning. It then focuses on to what extent the 'traditional' discourse on security in turkish politics, which prevailed during the cold war era and beyond, has undergone a change in the new era. This timely book is a much needed account of how pragmatism rather than ideology is the main determinant in turkey's current foreign policy and should be read by all looking for a fresh and stimulating take on turkey's response to globalization And the internationalization of security in the 21st century. | This unique book investigates the complex transformation of Turkey's foreign policy, focusing on changing threat perceptions and the Reformulation of its Western identity. This transformation cannot be explained solely in terms of strategic choices or agency driven policies but encompasses power shifts and systemic transformations. is Turkey shifting its axis? will this affect its traditional Western-Oriented foreign policy? the book begins by discussing the relationship between security and globalization, using examples of Turkey's regional positioning. It then focuses on to what extent the 'Traditional' discourse on security in Turkish politics, which prevailed during the cold war era and beyond, has undergone a change in the new era. This timely book is a much needed account of how pragmatism rather than ideology is the main determinant in Turkey's current foreign policy and should be read by all looking for a fresh and stimulating take on Turkey's response to globalization and the internationalization of security in the 21st century. |
| In the past two decades the field of international relations studies has become increasingly diversified and is now marked by sharp differences over questions of scope, method, and theory. This heterogeneity, however, should not be allowed to obscure broad agreement on some fundamental propositions of overriding importance. One of these is the feeling shared by traditionalists and scientifically-oriented investigators alike, and by many academic scholars As well as sophisticated policymakers, that the way in which the leaders of nation-states view each other and the nature of world political conflict is of fundamental importance in determining what happens in relations among states. | In the past two decades the field of international relations studies has become increasingly diversified and is now marked by sharp differences over questions of scope, method, and theory. This heterogeneity, however, should not be allowed to obscure broad agreement on some fundamental propositions of overriding importance. One of these is the feeling shared by traditionalists and scientifically-oriented investigators alike, and by many academic scholars As well as sophisticated policymakers, that the way in which the leaders of nation-states view each other and the nature of world political conflict is of fundamental importance in determining what happens in relations among states. | In the past two decades the field of international relations studies has become increasingly diversified and is now marked by sharp differences over questions of scope, method, and theory. This Heterogeneity, however, should not be allowed to obscure broad agreement on some fundamental propositions of overriding importance. one of these is the feeling shared by Traditionalists and Scientifically-Oriented investigators alike, and by many academic scholars as well as sophisticated policymakers, that the way in which the leaders of nation-states view each other and the nature of world political conflict is of fundamental importance in determining what happens in relations among States. |
| There is an ever-burgeoning number of books analyzing the Russian experience, or aspects of it. This handbook is the first single volume which gives both a broad survey of the literature As well as highlighting the cutting edge research in the area. Through both empirical data and theoretical investigation each chapter in the routledge handbook Russian of politics and society examines both the Russian experience and the existing literature, points to research trends, and identifies issues that remain to be resolved. Offering focused studies of the key elements of Russian social and political life, the book is organized into the following broad themes: general introduction political institutions political economy society foreign policy general introduction political institutions political economy society foreign policy politically, economically, and socially, Russia has one of the most interesting development trajectories of any major country. This handbook seeks to answer questions about Democratic transition, the relationship between the market and democracy, stability and authoritarian politics, the development of civil society, the role of crime and corruption, and the creation of a market economy. Providing a comprehensive resource for scholars and policy makers alike, this book is an important contribution to the study of Russian studies, Eastern European studies, and international relations. | There is an ever-burgeoning number of books analyzing the russian experience, or aspects of it. This handbook is the first single volume which gives both a broad survey of the literature As well as highlighting the cutting edge research in the area. Through both empirical data and theoretical investigation each chapter in the routledge handbook russian of politics and society examines both the russian experience and the existing literature, points to research trends, and identifies issues that remain to be resolved. Offering focused studies of the key elements of Russian social and political life, the book is organized into the following broad themes: general introduction political institutions political economy society foreign policy general introduction political institutions political economy society foreign policy politically, economically, and socially, Russia has one of the most interesting development trajectories of any major country. This handbook seeks to answer questions about democratic transition, the relationship between the market and democracy, stability and authoritarian politics, the development of civil society, the role of crime and corruption, and the creation of a market economy. Providing a comprehensive resource for scholars and policy makers alike, this book is an important contribution to the study of russian studies, eastern european studies, and international relations. | There is an Ever-Burgeoning number of books analyzing the Russian experience, or aspects of it. This Handbook is the first single volume which gives both a broad survey of the literature as well as highlighting the cutting edge research in the area. through both empirical data and theoretical investigation each chapter in the Routledge Handbook Russian of politics and society examines both the Russian experience and the existing literature, points to research trends, and identifies issues that remain to be resolved. offering focused studies of the key elements of Russian social and political life, the book is organized into the following broad themes: general introduction political institutions political economy society foreign policy general introduction political institutions political economy society foreign policy politically, economically, and socially, Russia has one of the most interesting development Trajectories of any major country. This Handbook seeks to answer questions about Democratic transition, the relationship between the market and democracy, stability and authoritarian politics, the development of civil society, the role of crime and corruption, and the creation of a market economy. providing a comprehensive resource for scholars and policy makers alike, this book is an important contribution to the study of Russian studies, Eastern European studies, and international relations. |
| If game theory, the mathematical simulation of rational decision-making first axiomatically established by the Hungarian-born American mathematician john von neumann, is to prove worthy of literary hermeneutics, then critics must be able to apply its models to texts written without a working knowledge of von neumann's discipline in mind. Reading such iconic novels As fahrenheit 451, in cold blood, and kiss tomorrow goodbye From the perspective of the four most frequently encountered Coordination problems - the stag hunt, the prisoner's dilemma, chicken, and deadlock, game theory and postwar American literature illustrates the significant contribution of mathematical models to literary interpretation. The interdisciplinary approach of this book contributes to an understanding of the historical, political, and social contexts that surround The texts produced in the post-cold war years, As well as providing a comprehensive model of joining game theory and literary criticism. | If game theory, the mathematical simulation of rational decision-making first axiomatically established by the hungarian-born american mathematician John Von Neumann, is to prove worthy of literary hermeneutics, then critics must be able to apply its models to texts written without a working knowledge of Von Neumann's discipline in mind. Reading such iconic novels As fahrenheit 451, in cold blood, and kiss tomorrow goodbye From the perspective of the four most frequently encountered Coordination problems - the stag hunt, the prisoner's dilemma, chicken, and deadlock, game theory and postwar american literature illustrates the significant contribution of mathematical models to literary interpretation. The interdisciplinary approach of this book contributes to an understanding of the historical, political, and social contexts that surround The texts produced in the post-cold war years, As well as providing a comprehensive model of joining game theory and literary criticism. | If game theory, the mathematical simulation of rational decision-making first Axiomatically established by the Hungarian-born American mathematician John von Neumann, is to prove worthy of literary hermeneutics, then critics must be able to apply its models to texts written without a working knowledge of von Neumann's discipline in mind. reading such Iconic novels as fahrenheit 451, in cold blood, and kiss tomorrow goodbye from the perspective of the four most frequently encountered coordination problems - the stag Hunt, the prisoner's dilemma, chicken, and deadlock, game theory and postwar American literature illustrates the significant contribution of mathematical models to literary interpretation. The Interdisciplinary approach of this book contributes to an understanding of the historical, political, and social contexts that surround the texts produced in the Post-Cold war years, as well as providing a comprehensive model of joining game theory and literary criticism. |
| The Soviet Union'S last war was played out against the backdrop of dramatic change within the ussr. This is the first book to study the impact of the war on Russian politics and society. Based on extensive use of Soviet official and unofficial sources, as well as work with Afghan veterans, it illustrates the way the war fed into a wide range of other processes, from the rise of grassroots political activism to the retreat from globalism in foreign policy. | The soviet union's last war was played out against the backdrop of dramatic change within the Ussr. This is the first book to study the impact of the war on russian politics and society. Based on extensive use of soviet official and unofficial sources, as well as work with afghan Veterans, it illustrates the way the war fed into a wide range of other processes, from the rise of grassroots political activism to the retreat from globalism in foreign policy. | The Soviet Union's last war was played out against the backdrop of dramatic change within the USSR. This is the first book to study the impact of the war on Russian politics and society. based on extensive use of Soviet official and unofficial sources, as well as work with Afghan veterans, it illustrates the way the war Fed into a wide range of other processes, from the rise of grassroots political activism to the retreat from Globalism in foreign policy. |
| This collection examines the escalation of the kosovo conflict to a full-scale war. It looks at its origins, background and the implications of the conflict: the myths, history and perceptions of the post-1989 crisis and the situation after the start of natos 1999 bombing campaign. | This collection examines the escalation of the Kosovo conflict to a full-scale war. It looks at its origins, background and the implications of the conflict: the myths, history and perceptions of the post-1989 crisis and the situation after the start of natos 1999 bombing campaign. | This collection examines the escalation of the Kosovo conflict to a full-scale war. It looks at its origins, background and the implications of the conflict: the myths, history and perceptions of the Post-1989 crisis and the situation after the start of Natos 1999 bombing campaign. |
| Russia has never been able to escape its relationship with europe, or europe with Russia. Geography and history have conspired to make them both neighbors and unavoidable factors in each other s daily lives. From the early 1700s until the collapse of The Soviet Union in 1991, europe and Moscow both relied on material power to balance against any threats emerging from east and west. More recently, europe and the eu have adopted a different strategy: Make Russia non-threatening by making it European, like "us." Meanwhile, Russia s resistance to europe S assimilationist mission is increasingly robust, fuelled by energy exports to europe and the world. Contributors to this volume wrestle with the question of whether the European project is feasible, desirable, or even ethical. | Russia has never been able to escape its relationship with Europe, or Europe with Russia. Geography and history have conspired to make them both neighbors and unavoidable factors in each other s daily lives. From the early 1700s until the collapse of the soviet union in 1991, Europe and Moscow both relied on material power to balance against any threats emerging from east and west. More recently, Europe and the Eu have adopted a different strategy: Make Russia non-threatening by making it european, like "us." Meanwhile, Russia s resistance to Europe S assimilationist mission is increasingly robust, fuelled by energy exports to Europe and the world. Contributors to this volume wrestle with the question of whether the european project is feasible, desirable, or even ethical. | Russia has never been able to escape its relationship with Europe, or Europe with Russia. geography and history have conspired to make them both neighbors and unavoidable factors in each other s daily lives. from the early 1700S until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Europe and Moscow both relied on material power to balance against any threats emerging from East and West. more recently, Europe and the Eu have adopted a different strategy: make Russia Non-Threatening by making it European, like "us." Meanwhile, Russia s resistance to Europe s Assimilationist mission is increasingly robust, fuelled by energy exports to Europe and the world. contributors to this volume wrestle with the question of whether the European project is feasible, desirable, or even ethical. |
| Foreign policy analysis (fpa) has long studied leaders and individual decision makers. In contrast, international relations (ir) long favored the system level of analysis, treating the state As an abstract unitary actor. However, Ir has begun to rediscover the individual level of analysis, making this an opportune time to consider the contributions of both fpa and Ir to the study of leaders and decision makers. This article reviews how fpa and ir study individual decision makers, highlighting prominent approaches in each field, comparing these approaches –highlighting similarities, differences, and connections –and discusses appropriate applications of each in empirical research. The contribution ends with suggestions for integrating the fpa and ir approaches to the study of leaders and individual decision makers, highlighting how This integration benefits the ability of both fpa and ir to address interesting research questions regarding the role of leaders and individual decision makers in international politics. | Foreign policy analysis (fpa) has long studied leaders and individual decision makers. In contrast, international relations (ir) long favored the system level of analysis, treating the state As an abstract unitary actor. However, Ir has begun to rediscover the individual level of analysis, making this an opportune time to consider the contributions of both fpa and Ir to the study of leaders and decision makers. This article reviews how fpa and Ir study individual decision makers, highlighting prominent approaches in each field, comparing these approaches –highlighting similarities, differences, and connections –and discusses appropriate applications of each in empIrical research. The contribution ends with suggestions for integrating the fpa and ir approaches to the study of leaders and individual decision makers, highlighting how This integration benefits the ability of both fpa and ir to address interesting research questions regarding the role of leaders and individual decision makers in international politics. | Foreign policy analysis (FPA) has long studied leaders and individual decision makers. In contrast, international relations (Ir) long favored the system level of analysis, treating the state as an abstract Unitary actor. However, Ir has begun to rediscover the individual level of analysis, making this an opportune time to consider the contributions of both FPA and Ir to the study of leaders and decision makers. This article reviews how FPA and Ir study individual decision makers, highlighting prominent approaches in each field, comparing these approaches –Highlighting similarities, differences, and connections –And discusses appropriate applications of each in empirical research. The contribution ends with suggestions for integrating the FPA and Ir approaches to the study of leaders and individual decision makers, highlighting how this integration benefits the ability of both FPA and Ir to address interesting research questions regarding the role of leaders and individual decision makers in international politics. |
| First published in 2000. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company. | First published in 2000. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company. | First published in 2000. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an Informa company. |
| This book is intended as a contribution to the study of the relation of political ideas and governmental policies. It seeks to examine and evaluate the British labour party's early efforts to apply socialist theories to foreign policy actions. Since i have focused on these ideas and events, i have not attempted to take into account Happenings on the British domestic front that, though important to the labour party and the trade unions, did not directly affect foreign policy. Nor are matters of imperial or commonwealth policy considered, except as they relate to the development of socialist theories and interpretations or as they influenced great Britain's relations with other independent states. I must express my appreciation for their assistance to Drs. Malcolm moos, thomas 1. Cook, and carl b. "swisher, under whose direction this project first began at The Johns Hopkins University; to mrs. E. rickman of The Labour Party'S library And to mrs. gladys d. cremer of the Fabian society, for access to various labour and socialist ma terials; To the rutgers university research council for grants in support of some of the research; and to mrs. edward teifeld and mrs. Boris pritsky for the wearisome efforts of typing various versions of the manuscript. The responsibility for errors is, of course, mine. The book is dedicated to my wife marilyn, who aided so greatly in its preparation, not least by a tactful and appropriate balance of patience and impatience. | This book is intended as a contribution to the study of the relation of political ideas and governmental policies. It seeks to examine and evaluate the british labour party's early efforts to apply socialist theories to foreign policy actions. Since i have focused on these ideas and events, i have not attempted to take into account Happenings on the british domestic front that, though important to the labour party and the trade unions, did not directly affect foreign policy. Nor are matters of imperial or commonwealth policy considered, except as they relate to the development of socialist theories and interpretations or as they influenced great britain's relations with other independent states. I must express my appreciation for their assistance to drs. Malcolm Moos, Thomas 1. Cook, and Carl B. "Swisher, under whose direction this project first began at the Johns Hopkins university; to Mrs. E. Rickman of the labour party's library And to Mrs. gladys d. cremer of the fabian society, for access to various labour and socialist ma terials; To the rutgers university research council for grants in support of some of the research; and to Mrs. edward teifeld and Mrs. Boris Pritsky for the wearisome efforts of typing various versions of the manuscript. The responsibility for errors is, of course, mine. The book is dedicated to my wife marilyn, who aided so greatly in its preparation, not least by a tactful and appropriate balance of patience and impatience. | This book is intended as a contribution to the study of the relation of political ideas and governmental policies. It seeks to examine and evaluate the British Labour party's early efforts to apply Socialist theories to foreign policy actions. Since I have focused on these ideas and events, I have not attempted to take into account happenings on the British domestic front that, though important to the Labour party and the trade unions, did not directly affect foreign policy. Nor are matters of Imperial or Commonwealth policy considered, except as they relate to the development of Socialist theories and interpretations or as they influenced great Britain's relations with other independent States. I must express my appreciation for their assistance to DRS. Malcolm Moos, Thomas 1. Cook, and Carl B. "Swisher, under whose direction this project first began at the Johns Hopkins University; to Mrs. E. Rickman of the Labour party's library and to Mrs. Gladys D. Cremer of the Fabian society, for access to various labour and Socialist Ma Terials; to the Rutgers University research Council for grants in support of some of the research; and to Mrs. Edward Teifeld and Mrs. Boris Pritsky for the wearisome efforts of typing various versions of the manuscript. The responsibility for errors is, of course, mine. The book is dedicated to my wife Marilyn, who aided so greatly in its preparation, not least by a tactful and appropriate balance of patience and impatience. |
| Over the past decade, Libya's international reputation has undergone a remarkable transformation. Previously a rogue state, Libya has been welcomed back into the international community after renouncing international terrorism and its weapons of mass destruction programs. Was this the result of a straightforward calculation of self-interests given the realities of the international system or some shift in Libyan leader mu'ammar qaddafi's world view? To assess this transformation, operational code analysis Is utilized to systematically identify qaddafi's world view and determine whether he underwent experiential learning, attributable to fundamental transformation of his world view, or A simple adaptation to the surrounding international environment. The findings indicate that while experiencing a modest degree of learning over time, qaddafi did not undergo a significant transformation, but rather adapted to the international system around him. The analysis here supports viewing Libya's transformation cautiously, as perhaps a limited, temporary, and pragmatic move. For foreign actors trying to deal with seemingly other unpredictable leaders, the Libyan experience suggests That decision-making should be based on greater knowledge about the motives of individual leaders and their responsiveness to specific initiatives. | Over the past decade, Libya's international reputation has undergone a remarkable transformation. Previously a rogue state, Libya has been welcomed back into the international community after renouncing international terrorism and its weapons of mass destruction programs. Was this the result of a straightforward calculation of self-interests given the realities of the international system or some shift in libyan leader mu'ammar Qaddafi's world view? To assess this transformation, operational code analysis Is utilized to systematically identify Qaddafi's world view and determine whether he underwent experiential learning, attributable to fundamental transformation of his world view, or A simple adaptation to the surrounding international environment. The findings indicate that while experiencing a modest degree of learning over time, Qaddafi did not undergo a significant transformation, but rather adapted to the international system around him. The analysis here supports viewing libya's transformation cautiously, as perhaps a limited, temporary, and pragmatic move. For foreign actors trying to deal with seemingly other unpredictable leaders, the libyan experience suggests That decision-making should be based on greater knowledge about the motives of individual leaders and their responsiveness to specific initiatives. | Over the past decade, Libya's international reputation has undergone a remarkable transformation. previously a rogue state, Libya has been welcomed back into the international community after renouncing international terrorism and its weapons of mass destruction programs. was this the result of a straightforward calculation of Self-Interests given the realities of the International system or some shift in Libyan leader Mu'Ammar Qaddafi's world view? to assess this transformation, operational code analysis is utilized to systematically identify Qaddafi's world view and determine whether he underwent experiential learning, attributable to fundamental transformation of his world view, or a simple adaptation to the surrounding international environment. The findings indicate that while experiencing a modest degree of learning over time, Qaddafi did not undergo a significant transformation, but rather adapted to the International system around him. The analysis here supports viewing Libya's transformation cautiously, as perhaps a limited, temporary, and pragmatic move. for foreign actors trying to deal with seemingly other unpredictable leaders, the Libyan experience suggests that decision-making should be based on greater knowledge about the motives of individual leaders and their responsiveness to specific initiatives. |
| Diese einleitung behandelt zwei grundlegende Fragen. Zunächst erörtert sie, Warum Es Ein Handbuch Zu Außenpolitik Österreichs Braucht, Worin also die beweggründe für dieses handbuch Liegen Und Welche Ziele und zielgruppen es erreichen soll. Danach geht die einleitung Auf die frage ein, wie sich die Außenpolitik Österreichs Wissenschaftlich Durchdringen Lässt. Dabei beschäftigt sie sich mit dem begriff der außenpolitik und führt in die analytischen zugänge Der Außenpolitikforschung Ein, Aus Denen Sie schließlich die erkenntnisleitenden Fragen für die nachfolgenden kapitel ableitet. | Diese Einleitung Behandelt Zwei Grundlegende fragen. Zunächst erörtert sie, warum es ein handbuch zu außenpolitik Österreichs Braucht, worin also die beweggründe für dieses handbuch liegen und Welche Ziele Und zielgruppen es erreichen soll. Danach geht die einleitung Auf die frage Ein, wie sich die außenpolitik Österreichs Wissenschaftlich durchdringen lässt. Dabei beschäftigt sie sich mit dem begriff der außenpolitik und führt in die analytischen zugänge der außenpolitikforschung ein, aus denen sie schließlich die erkenntnisleitenden Fragen Für die nachfolgenden kapitel ableitet. | Diese Einleitung Behandelt Zwei Grundlegende Fragen. Zunächst Erörtert Sie, Warum es ein Handbuch zu Außenpolitik Österreichs Braucht, Worin also die Beweggründe Für Dieses Handbuch Liegen und Welche Ziele und Zielgruppen es Erreichen Soll. Danach Geht die Einleitung auf die Frage ein, Wie Sich die Außenpolitik Österreichs Wissenschaftlich Durchdringen Lässt. Dabei Beschäftigt Sie Sich MIT Dem Begriff der Außenpolitik und Führt in die Analytischen Zugänge der Außenpolitikforschung ein, AUS Denen Sie Schließlich die Erkenntnisleitenden Fragen Für die Nachfolgenden Kapitel Ableitet. |
| The Russian federation elections of december 1993 were the first multi‐party elections in Russian history in over 70 years, and allowed the first real test of the emerging party system, while also giving individual candidates a significant role in the electoral process. The election served to demonstrate how far the system had evolved since the previous elections, held under the reformed Soviet system in 1989, but also showed the limits to the establishment of parties As a central feature of the political landscape. There was a broad range of parties and other electoral associations that competed in the elections, and, given that the results were not as expected, valuable lessons were learnt from the experience. | The russian federation elections of December 1993 were the first multi‐party elections in russian history in over 70 years, and allowed the first real test of the emerging party system, while also giving individual candidates a significant role in the electoral process. The election served to demonstrate how far the system had evolved since the previous elections, held under the reformed soviet system in 1989, but also showed the limits to the establishment of parties As a central feature of the political landscape. There was a broad range of parties and other electoral associations that competed in the elections, and, given that the results were not as expected, valuable lessons were learnt from the experience. | The Russian Federation elections of December 1993 were the first Multi‐Party elections in Russian history in over 70 years, and allowed the first real test of the emerging party system, while also giving individual candidates a significant role in the electoral process. The election served to demonstrate how far the system had evolved since the previous elections, held under the reformed Soviet system in 1989, but also showed the limits to the establishment of parties as a central feature of the political landscape. There was a broad range of parties and other electoral associations that competed in the elections, and, given that the results were not as expected, valuable lessons were learnt from the experience. |
| In this article we introduce a new scoring system for doing operational code analysis and test its reliability and validity by measuring and modeling president jimmy carter's operational code. Using speeches from the public record, we construct indices for the elements of the operational code construct. Based upon the valences and scaled intensities of verbs uttered in the speeches, president jimmy carter's views of the political universe and approaches to political action in different Issue areas are identified and compared. The results of the analysis provide reasonable support for the face, construct, and content validity of the operational code indices. We find that carter's view of the political universe and approach to political action were consistent across issue Areas during the first three years of his term as president. Following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan president carter's support for human rights remained steadfast. Statistically significant shifts occurred in his views of The Soviet Union and others in the political universe and in his approach to political action regarding the conduct of u.s.‐soviet relations and other issues. | In this article we introduce a new scoring system for doing operational code analysis and test its reliability and validity by measuring and modeling president Jimmy Carter's operational code. Using speeches from the public record, we construct indices for the elements of the operational code construct. Based upon the valences and scaled intensities of verbs uttered in the speeches, President Jimmy Carter's views of the political universe and approaches to political action in different Issue areas are identified and compared. The results of the analysis provide reasonable support for the face, construct, and content validity of the operational code indices. We find that Carter's view of the political universe and approach to political action were consistent across issue Areas during the first three years of his term as President. Following the soviet invasion of Afghanistan President Carter's support for human rights remained steadfast. Statistically significant shifts occurred in his views of the soviet union and others in the political universe and in his approach to political action regarding the conduct of u.s.‐soviet relations and other issues. | In this article we introduce a new scoring system for doing operational code analysis and test its Reliability and validity by measuring and modeling President Jimmy Carter's operational code. using speeches from the public record, we construct indices for the elements of the operational code construct. based upon the Valences and scaled intensities of verbs uttered in the speeches, president Jimmy Carter's views of the political universe and approaches to political action in different issue areas are identified and compared. The results of the analysis provide reasonable support for the face, construct, and content validity of the operational code indices. We find that Carter's view of the political universe and approach to political action were consistent across issue areas during the first three years of his term as President. following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan President Carter's support for human rights remained steadfast. statistically significant shifts occurred in his views of the Soviet Union and others in the political universe and in his approach to political action regarding the conduct of U.S.‐Soviet relations and other issues. |
| This richly detailed study traces the shared history of Russia and Islam in expanding compass - from the tatar civilization within the Russian heartland, to the conquered territories of the caucasus and central asia, to the larger geopolitical and security context of contemporary Russia On the civilizational divide. The study's distinctive analytical drive stresses political and geopolitical relationships over time And into the very complicated present. Rich with insight, the book is also an incomparable source of factual information about Russia's Muslim populations, religious institutions, political organizations, and ideological movements. | This richly detailed study traces the shared history of Russia and islam in expanding compass - from the tatar civilization within the Russian heartland, to the conquered territories of the Caucasus and central Asia, to the larger geopolitical and security context of contemporary Russia On the civilizational divide. The study's distinctive analytical drive stresses political and geopolitical relationships over time And into the very complicated present. Rich with insight, the book is also an incomparable source of factual information about Russia's muslim populations, religious institutions, political organizations, and ideological movements. | This richly detailed study traces the shared history of Russia and Islam in expanding compass - from the Tatar civilization within the Russian heartland, to the conquered territories of the Caucasus and central Asia, to the larger geopolitical and security context of contemporary Russia on the civilizational divide. The study's distinctive Analytical drive stresses political and geopolitical relationships over time and into the very complicated present. rich with insight, the book is also an incomparable source of factual information about Russia's Muslim populations, religious institutions, political organizations, and ideological movements. |
| Die Außenpolitikanalyse stellt in den internationalen Beziehungen sowohl Ein forschungsfeld als auch eine besondere perspektive dar. Das forschungsfeld Umfasst Vielfältige Erklärungsansätze, die innenpolitische faktoren auf der staatlichen Analyseebene in unterschiedlicher art und weise als einflussgrößen Auf Außenpolitik Konzeptualisieren. Als perspektive Richtet die außenpolitikanalyse den Blick Auf Die individuelle analyseebene und stellt die subjektiven Wahrnehmungen außenpolitischer entscheidungsträger in Den Mittelpunkt. Der beitrag bietet einen Überblick Über Wichtige Forschungsrichtungen In Der Außenpolitikanalyse Und argumentiert, Dass Eine Stärkere resonanz Der Außenpolitikanalyse in Den Ib – als Forschungsfeld und perspektive – innovative Anstöße für Das Fach verspricht. | Die außenpolitikanalyse stellt in den Internationalen Beziehungen Sowohl Ein forschungsfeld als auch eine besondere perspektive dar. Das Forschungsfeld umfasst vielfältige erklärungsansätze, die innenpolitische faktoren auf der Staatlichen Analyseebene in unterschiedlicher art und weise als einflussgrößen Auf Außenpolitik konzeptualisieren. Als Perspektive Richtet die außenpolitikanalyse den blick auf die individuelle analyseebene und stellt die subjektiven Wahrnehmungen Außenpolitischer entscheidungsträger in den mittelpunkt. Der Beitrag Bietet Einen überblick über Wichtige Forschungsrichtungen in Der außenpolitikanalyse Und Argumentiert, Dass Eine Stärkere resonanz Der außenpolitikanalyse in Den ib – Als Forschungsfeld und perspektive – innovative anstöße für das fach verspricht. | Die Außenpolitikanalyse Stellt in Den Internationalen Beziehungen Sowohl ein Forschungsfeld ALS Auch eine Besondere Perspektive Dar. Das Forschungsfeld Umfasst Vielfältige Erklärungsansätze, die Innenpolitische Faktoren auf der Staatlichen Analyseebene in Unterschiedlicher art und Weise ALS Einflussgrößen auf Außenpolitik Konzeptualisieren. ALS Perspektive Richtet die Außenpolitikanalyse Den Blick auf die Individuelle Analyseebene und Stellt die Subjektiven Wahrnehmungen Außenpolitischer Entscheidungsträger in Den Mittelpunkt. der Beitrag Bietet Einen Überblick Über Wichtige Forschungsrichtungen in der Außenpolitikanalyse und Argumentiert, Dass eine Stärkere Resonanz der Außenpolitikanalyse in Den Ib – ALS Forschungsfeld und Perspektive – innovative Anstöße Für Das Fach Verspricht. |
| This volume is the product of the conference on cognitive process models of foreign policy decision-making which was held in London at The Richardson Institute for conflict and peace research from march 17-24, 1973. We would like to thank michael nicholson, director of The Richardson Institute, for acting as the host of the conference. Support for the conference and the preparation of the conference papers for publication was provided by The Mathematical Social Sciences Board (mssb). The mssb is funded by Anational Science Foundation grant which is administered by the center for advanced study in the behavioral sciences As the primary grantee. We are grateful to hayward alker, jr. And william h. riker of The Mssb for their help and encouragement. The graph shown on the cover is a cognitive map representation of the output from our computer simulation of foreign policy Decision-making. We would like to thank robert axelrod and gary raffel of The University Of Michigan for generating the graph. Part i introduction 1 chapter 1 thought and action in foreign policy G. matthew bonham the American university michael j. shapiro University Of Hawaii Introduction The papers assembled here constitute, and to some extent represent, widely disparate views of foreign policy thinking and decision-making. As is the case with almost any collective enterprise, it is possible to suggest some noteworthy resemblances among the contributions to this volume and to indicate grounds for distinguishing them from other "approaches. | This volume is the product of the conference on cognitive process models of foreign policy decision-making which was held in London at the Richardson institute for conflict and peace research from March 17-24, 1973. We would like to thank Michael Nicholson, director of the Richardson institute, for acting as the host of the conference. Support for the conference and the preparation of the conference papers for publication was provided by the mathematical social sciences board (mssb). The mssb is funded by anational science foundation grant which is administered by the center for advanced study in the behavioral sciences As the primary grantee. We are grateful to Hayward Alker, Jr. And William H. Riker of the mssb for their help and encouragement. The graph shown on the cover is a cognitive map representation of the output from our computer simulation of foreign policy Decision-making. We would like to thank Robert Axelrod and Gary Raffel of the university of Michigan for generating the graph. Part i introduction 1 chapter 1 thought and action in foreign policy G. Matthew Bonham the american university Michael J. Shapiro university of Hawaii introduction The papers assembled here constitute, and to some extent represent, widely disparate views of foreign policy thinking and decision-making. As is the case with almost any collective enterprise, it is possible to suggest some noteworthy resemblances among the contributions to this volume and to indicate grounds for distinguishing them from other "approaches. | This volume is the product of the conference on cognitive process models of foreign policy decision-making which was held in London at the Richardson Institute for conflict and peace research from March 17-24, 1973. We would like to thank Michael Nicholson, director of the Richardson Institute, for acting as the host of the conference. support for the conference and the preparation of the conference papers for publication was provided by the mathematical social sciences board (Mssb). The Mssb is funded by Anational science foundation grant which is administered by the center for advanced study in the behavioral sciences as the primary Grantee. We are grateful to Hayward Alker, Jr. and William H. Riker of the Mssb for their help and encouragement. The graph shown on the cover is a cognitive map representation of the output from our computer simulation of foreign policy decision-making. We would like to thank Robert Axelrod and Gary Raffel of the University of Michigan for generating the graph. part I introduction 1 Chapter 1 thought and action in foreign policy G. Matthew Bonham the American University Michael J. Shapiro University of Hawaii introduction the papers assembled here constitute, and to some extent represent, widely disparate views of foreign policy thinking and decision-making. As is the case with almost any collective enterprise, it is possible to suggest some noteworthy Resemblances among the contributions to this volume and to indicate grounds for distinguishing them from other "approaches. |
| There is a growing realization among international relations scholars and practitioners that religion is a critical factor in global politics. The Iranian revolution, the september 11 attacks, the ethno-religious conflicts such as the ones in the former Yugoslavia and Sri Lanka are among the many reasons for this increased focus On religion in international affairs. The rise of religious political parties across the world ranging from the Christian Democrats in europe to Bharatiya Janata Party in India similarly illustrated religion's heightened international profile. Despite all this attention, it is challenging to situate religion within A discipline which has been dominantly secular from its inception. Only a few existent works have ventured to integrate religion into core international relations theories such as classical realism, neorealism, neoliberalism, constructivism and the English school. This work is the first systematic attempt to comparatively assess the place of religion in the aforementioned theoretical strands of international relations with contemporary examples from around the world. Written in an accessible and systematic fashion, this book will be an important addition to the fields of both religion and international relations. Nukhet a. sandal is assistant professor in the political science department at Ohio University. Jonathan fox is professor in the department of political studies at Bar Ilan University, Israel. | There is a growing realization among international relations scholars and practitioners that religion is a critical factor in global politics. The iranian revolution, the September 11 attacks, the ethno-religious conflicts such as the ones in the former Yugoslavia and Sri Lanka are among the many reasons for this increased focus On religion in international affairs. The rise of religious political parties across the world ranging from the christian democrats in Europe to Bharatiya Janata Party in India similarly illustrated religion's heightened international profile. Despite all this attention, it is challenging to situate religion within A discipline which has been dominantly secular from its inception. Only a few existent works have ventured to integrate religion into core international relations theories such as classical realism, neorealism, neoliberalism, constructivism and the english school. This work is the first systematic attempt to comparatively assess the place of religion in the aforementioned theoretical strands of international relations with contemporary examples from around the world. Written in an accessible and systematic fashion, this book will be an important addition to the fields of both religion and international relations. Nukhet A. sandal is assistant professor in the political science department at Ohio university. Jonathan Fox is professor in the department of political studies at bar Ilan university, Israel. | There is a growing realization among international relations scholars and practitioners that religion is a critical factor in global politics. The Iranian revolution, the September 11 attacks, the Ethno-Religious conflicts such as the ones in the former Yugoslavia and Sri Lanka are among the many reasons for this increased focus on religion in international affairs. The rise of religious political parties across the world ranging from the Christian Democrats in Europe to Bharatiya Janata party in India similarly illustrated religion's heightened International Profile. Despite all this attention, it is challenging to Situate religion within a discipline which has been dominantly secular from its inception. only a few existent works have ventured to integrate religion into core international relations theories such as classical realism, Neorealism, Neoliberalism, Constructivism and the English school. This work is the first systematic attempt to comparatively assess the place of religion in the aforementioned theoretical strands of international relations with contemporary examples from around the world. written in an accessible and systematic fashion, this book will be an important addition to the fields of both religion and international relations. Nukhet A. Sandal is assistant professor in the political science Department at Ohio University. Jonathan Fox is professor in the Department of political studies at bar Ilan University, Israel. |
| In recent years, social scientists have increasingly recognized the interconnectedness of thought on emotions. Nowhere is the role of passions more evident than international politics, where pride, anger, guilt, fear, empathy, and other feelings are routinely on display. But in the absence of an overarching theory of emotions, how can we understand their role at the international level? emotions in international politics fills the need for theoretical tools in the new and rapidly growing subfield of international relations. Eminent scholars from a range of disciplines consider how emotions can be investigated from an international perspective involving collective players, drawing evidence from such emotionally fraught events as the rwandan genocide, world war ii, the 9/11 attacks, and the Iranian nuclear standoff. The path-breaking research collected in emotions in international politics will be a valuable theoretical guide to understanding conflict and cooperation in international relations. | In recent years, social scientists have increasingly recognized the interconnectedness of thought on emotions. Nowhere is the role of passions more evident than international politics, where pride, anger, guilt, fear, empathy, and other feelings are routinely on display. But in the absence of an overarching theory of emotions, how can we understand their role at the international level? emotions in international politics fills the need for theoretical tools in the new and rapidly growing subfield of international relations. Eminent scholars from a range of disciplines consider how emotions can be investigated from an international perspective involving collective players, drawing evidence from such emotionally fraught events as the rwandan genocide, world war ii, the 9/11 attacks, and the iranian nuclear standoff. The path-breaking research collected in emotions in international politics will be a valuable theoretical guide to understanding conflict and cooperation in international relations. | In recent years, social scientists have increasingly recognized the interconnectedness of thought on emotions. Nowhere is the role of passions more evident than international politics, where pride, anger, guilt, fear, empathy, and other feelings are routinely on display. But in the absence of an Overarching theory of emotions, how can we understand their role at the International level? emotions in international politics fills the need for theoretical tools in the new and rapidly growing Subfield of international relations. eminent scholars from a range of disciplines consider how emotions can be investigated from an international perspective involving collective players, drawing evidence from such emotionally fraught events as the Rwandan genocide, world war II, the 9/11 attacks, and the Iranian nuclear standoff. The Path-Breaking research collected in emotions in international politics will be a valuable theoretical guide to understanding conflict and cooperation in international relations. |
| Foreign policy analysis (fpa) is a mid-level theoretical field that focuses on the individual people who formulate and implement the foreign policy, typically although not exclusively, of nation-states (hudson in foreign policy Analysis: beyond north america. London: Lynne reinner, 2015). Integral to fpa is that the explanations that are proposed are multifactorial and multilevel. It is this focus On individual people, and the multifactorial and multilevel explanations, that make the field of fpa so apt for application across arenas. This chapter argues that this is the opportune time to be speaking of fpa in relation to non-western theoretical developments within international relations. Whilst The field is still predominantly us-centric, there are significant developments in non-western fpa, with schools such as the Latin American one Combining some of the core features of fpa with some regionally distinct ones. Additionally, China has begun developing its own field of fpa, thereby placing it a couple of developmental stages behind that of latin america. | Foreign policy analysis (fpa) is a mid-level theoretical field that focuses on the individual people who formulate and implement the foreign policy, typically although not exclusively, of nation-states (hudson in foreign policy Analysis: beyond north America. London: Lynne Reinner, 2015). Integral to fpa is that the explanations that are proposed are multifactorial and multilevel. It is this focus On individual people, and the multifactorial and multilevel explanations, that make the field of fpa so apt for application across arenas. This chapter argues that this is the opportune time to be speaking of fpa in relation to non-western theoretical developments within international relations. Whilst The field is still predominantly us-centric, there are significant developments in non-western fpa, with schools such as the latin american one Combining some of the core features of fpa with some regionally distinct ones. Additionally, China has begun developing its own field of fpa, thereby placing it a couple of developmental stages behind that of latin America. | Foreign policy analysis (FPA) is a Mid-Level theoretical field that focuses on the individual people who formulate and implement the foreign policy, typically although not exclusively, of nation-states (Hudson in foreign policy analysis: beyond North America. London: Lynne Reinner, 2015). integral to FPA is that the explanations that are proposed are Multifactorial and Multilevel. It is this focus on individual people, and the Multifactorial and Multilevel explanations, that make the field of FPA so apt for application across arenas. This chapter argues that this is the opportune time to be speaking of FPA in relation to non-Western theoretical developments within international relations. whilst the field is still predominantly Us-Centric, there are significant developments in non-Western FPA, with schools such as the Latin American one combining some of the core features of FPA with some regionally distinct ones. Additionally, China has begun developing its own field of FPA, thereby placing it a couple of developmental stages behind that of Latin America. |
| Ten years ago, john williamson of The Institute For International Economics summarized a recipe for structural adjustment in latin america into ten ingredients. According to williamson the recipe was 'generally applicable' elsewhere, and universally agreed upon in Washington institutions. However, the Washington consensus is increasingly under attack from different camps. We discuss the Russian crisis in august 1998 as a case history of the breakdown of the consensus among economists, within and outside the international organizations. While several economists have contributed to the current critical mood, we focus On how Joseph stiglitz, then chief economist at The World Bank, reacted to the Russian crisis, before his resignation at the end of the same year. We contrast his views with those of other economists at the imf and other international organizations. Looking at this debate, we suggest that the Russian crisis, following the Asian crisis in the previous year, marked A watershed of intellectual perceptions, gave voice to dissenters, and openly broke the consensus within international organizations. We Also discuss the reasons for and implications of this change in the intellectual climate within the economic profession. | Ten years ago, John Williamson of the institute for international economics summarized a recipe for structural adjustment in latin America into ten ingredients. According to Williamson the recipe was 'generally applicable' elsewhere, and universally agreed upon in Washington institutions. However, the Washington consensus is increasingly under attack from different camps. We discuss the russian crisis in August 1998 as a case history of the breakdown of the consensus among economists, within and outside the international organizations. While several economists have contributed to the current critical mood, we focus On how Joseph Stiglitz, then chief economist at the world bank, reacted to the russian crisis, before his resignation at the end of the same year. We contrast his views with those of other economists at the Imf and other international organizations. Looking at this debate, we suggest that the russian crisis, following the asian crisis in the previous year, marked A watershed of intellectual perceptions, gave voice to dissenters, and openly broke the consensus within international organizations. We Also discuss the reasons for and implications of this change in the intellectual climate within the economic profession. | Ten years ago, John Williamson of the Institute for International Economics summarized a recipe for structural adjustment in Latin America into ten ingredients. According to Williamson the recipe was 'Generally applicable' elsewhere, and universally agreed upon in Washington institutions. However, the Washington consensus is increasingly under attack from different camps. We discuss the Russian crisis in August 1998 as a case history of the breakdown of the consensus among economists, within and outside the International organizations. While several economists have contributed to the current critical mood, we focus on how Joseph Stiglitz, then chief economist at the World Bank, reacted to the Russian crisis, before his resignation at the end of the same year. We contrast his views with those of other economists at the IMF and other international organizations. looking at this debate, we suggest that the Russian crisis, following the Asian crisis in the previous year, marked a watershed of intellectual perceptions, gave voice to dissenters, and openly broke the consensus within International organizations. We also discuss the reasons for and implications of this change in the intellectual climate within the economic profession. |
| This book by a leading scholar of international relations examines the origins of the new world disorder – the resurgence of Russia, the rise of populism in the west, deep tensions in the atlantic alliance, and the new strategic partnership Between China and Russia – and asks why so many assumptions about how the world might look after the cold war – liberal, Democratic and increasingly global – have proven to be so wrong. To explain this, michael cox goes back to the moment of disintegration and examines what the cold war was about, why the cold war ended, why the experts failed to predict it, and how different writers and policy-makers (and not just western ones) have viewed the tumultuous period between 1989 when the liberal order seemed on top of the world through to the current period When confidence in the western project seems to have disappeared almost completely. | This book by a leading scholar of international relations examines the origins of the new world disorder – the resurgence of Russia, the rise of populism in the west, deep tensions in the atlantic alliance, and the new strategic partnership Between China and Russia – and asks why so many assumptions about how the world might look after the cold war – liberal, democratic and increasingly global – have proven to be so wrong. To explain this, Michael Cox goes back to the moment of disintegration and examines what the cold war was about, why the cold war ended, why the experts failed to predict it, and how different writers and policy-makers (and not just western ones) have viewed the tumultuous period between 1989 when the liberal order seemed on top of the world through to the current period When confidence in the western project seems to have disappeared almost completely. | This book by a leading scholar of international relations examines the origins of the new world disorder – the resurgence of Russia, the rise of populism in the West, deep tensions in the Atlantic Alliance, and the new strategic partnership between China and Russia – and asks why so many assumptions about how the world might look after the cold war – liberal, democratic and increasingly global – have proven to be so wrong. to explain this, Michael Cox goes back to the moment of disintegration and examines what the cold war was about, why the cold war ended, why the experts failed to predict it, and how different writers and policy-makers (and not just Western ones) have viewed the tumultuous period between 1989 when the liberal order seemed on top of the world through to the current period when confidence in the Western project seems to have disappeared almost completely. |
| Books reviewed: Culture and conflict resolution, by kevin avruch pacifism in the twentieth century, by peter brock and nigel young quelling the people: The military suppression of The Beijing Democracy Movement, by timothy brook making them life us: Peace Corps Volunteers in the 1960s, by fritz fischer the effectiveness of U.N. human rights institutions, by patrick James flood A question of conscience: conscientious objection in the two world wars, by felicity goodall Islamic activism and U.S. foreign policy, by scott w. hibbard and david little, eds. The 60s communes: Hippies and beyond, by timothy miller the politics of authenticity: liberalism, Christianity, and the new left in America, by doug rossinow Russian negotiating behavior: Continuity and transition, by jerrold l. schecter | Books reviewed: Culture and conflict resolution, by Kevin Avruch pacifism in the twentieth century, by Peter Brock and Nigel young quelling the people: The military suppression of the beijing democracy movement, by Timothy Brook making them life us: peace corps volunteers in the 1960s, by Fritz Fischer the effectiveness of u.n. human rights institutions, by Patrick James Flood A question of conscience: conscientious objection in the two world wars, by felicity Goodall Islamic activism and U.S. foreign policy, by Scott W. hibbard and david little, eds. The 60s communes: Hippies and beyond, by timothy Miller the politics of authenticity: liberalism, christianity, and the new left in America, by Doug Rossinow russian negotiating behavior: Continuity and transition, by Jerrold L. schecter | Books reviewed: culture and conflict resolution, by Kevin Avruch pacifism in the twentieth century, by Peter Brock and Nigel young quelling the people: the military suppression of the Beijing democracy movement, by Timothy Brook making them life us: Peace Corps volunteers in the 1960s, by Fritz Fischer the effectiveness of U.N. human rights institutions, by Patrick James flood a question of conscience: conscientious objection in the two world wars, by felicity Goodall Islamic activism and U.S. foreign policy, by Scott W. Hibbard and David little, Eds. The 60s communes: Hippies and beyond, by Timothy Miller the politics of authenticity: liberalism, Christianity, and the new left in America, by Doug Rossinow Russian negotiating behavior: continuity and transition, by Jerrold L. Schecter |
| Introduction to political psychology, fourth edition, explores the many psychological patterns that influence political behavior. The authors introduce readers to a broad range of theories, concepts, and case studies of political activity, arguing that individuals are Driven or motivated to act in accordance with personality characteristics, values, beliefs, and attachments to groups. The book explains many aspects of political behavior—whether seemingly pathological actions or normal decision-making practices, which sometimes work optimally, and sometimes fail. Thoroughly updated throughout, the book examines patterns of political behavior in areas including leadership, group behavior, voting, race, nationalism, terrorism, and war. This edition features coverage of the 2016 election and profiles former U.S. president donald trump, while also including updated data on race relations and extremist groups in The United States. Global issues are also considered, with case studies focused on Myanmar and Syria, alongside coverage of social issues including black lives matter and the #metoo movement. Accessibly Written and comprehensive in scope, it is an essential companion for all graduate and upper-level undergraduate students of psychology, political science, and political psychology. It will also be of interest to those in the policy-making community, especially those looking to learn more about the extent to which perceptions, personality, and group dynamics Affect the policy-making arena. It is accompanied by a set of online instructor resources. | Introduction to political psychology, fourth edition, explores the many psychological patterns that influence political behavior. The authors introduce readers to a broad range of theories, concepts, and case studies of political activity, arguing that individuals are Driven or motivated to act in accordance with personality characteristics, values, beliefs, and attachments to groups. The book explains many aspects of political behavior—whether seemingly pathological actions or normal decision-making practices, which sometimes work optimally, and sometimes fail. Thoroughly updated throughout, the book examines patterns of political behavior in areas including leadership, group behavior, voting, race, nationalism, terrorism, and war. This edition features coverage of the 2016 election and profiles former U.S. President Donald Trump, while also including updated data on race relations and extremist groups in the United States. Global issues are also considered, with case studies focused on Myanmar and Syria, alongside coverage of social issues including black lives matter and the #metoo movement. Accessibly Written and comprehensive in scope, it is an essential companion for all graduate and upper-level undergraduate students of psychology, political science, and political psychology. It will also be of interest to those in the policy-making community, especially those looking to learn more about the extent to which perceptions, personality, and group dynamics Affect the policy-making arena. It is accompanied by a set of online instructor resources. | Introduction to political psychology, fourth edition, EXPLORES the many psychological patterns that influence political behavior. The authors introduce readers to a broad range of theories, concepts, and case studies of political activity, arguing that individuals are driven or motivated to act in accordance with personality characteristics, values, beliefs, and attachments to groups. The book explains many aspects of political Behavior—Whether seemingly pathological actions or normal decision-making practices, which sometimes work Optimally, and sometimes fail. thoroughly updated throughout, the book examines patterns of political behavior in areas including leadership, group behavior, voting, race, nationalism, terrorism, and war. This edition features coverage of the 2016 election and profiles former U.S. President Donald Trump, while also including updated data on race relations and Extremist groups in the United States. global issues are also considered, with case studies focused on Myanmar and Syria, alongside coverage of social issues including black lives matter and the #Metoo movement. Accessibly written and comprehensive in scope, it is an essential companion for all graduate and upper-level undergraduate students of psychology, political science, and political psychology. It will also be of interest to those in the policy-making community, especially those looking to learn more about the extent to which perceptions, personality, and group Dynamics affect the policy-making arena. It is accompanied by a set of Online instructor resources. |
| Who sets the agenda in Soviet politics? Three answers to that question are considered in this review article. According to the totalitarian model, the selection of action goals is the privilege of a relatively autonomous supreme leadership in control of hierarchically structured sub‐systems. The pluralist model, by contrast, is based on the assumption that issues acquire significance Through efficient pressures by mobilized group interests. While the totalitarian interpretation emphasizes the active element in the conduct of the supreme leadership, the pluralist model stresses the reactive and reflective ingredients. The bureaucratic model similarly assumes that vertical Information flows can to a large extent be controlled from below, but it differs from the pluralist model in that it defines The key political conflicts as tensions among various bureaus. As a theory of fragmentation in large organizations, the bureaucratic model of the Soviet political system may have considerable relevance for the study of Western European government as well. | Who sets the agenda in soviet politics? Three answers to that question are considered in this review article. According to the totalitarian model, the selection of action goals is the privilege of a relatively autonomous supreme leadership in control of hierarchically structured sub‐systems. The pluralist model, by contrast, is based on the assumption that issues acquire significance Through efficient pressures by mobilized group interests. While the totalitarian interpretation emphasizes the active element in the conduct of the supreme leadership, the pluralist model stresses the reactive and reflective ingredients. The bureaucratic model similarly assumes that vertical Information flows can to a large extent be controlled from below, but it differs from the pluralist model in that it defines The key political conflicts as tensions among various bureaus. As a theory of fragmentation in large organizations, the bureaucratic model of the soviet political system may have considerable relevance for the study of western european government as well. | Who sets the agenda in Soviet politics? three answers to that question are considered in this review article. According to the totalitarian model, the selection of action goals is the privilege of a relatively autonomous Supreme leadership in control of Hierarchically structured Sub‐Systems. The Pluralist model, by contrast, is based on the assumption that issues acquire significance through efficient pressures by mobilized group interests. While the totalitarian interpretation emphasizes the active element in the conduct of the Supreme leadership, the Pluralist model stresses the Reactive and reflective ingredients. The bureaucratic model similarly assumes that vertical information flows can to a large extent be controlled from below, but it differs from the Pluralist model in that it defines the key political conflicts as tensions among various bureaus. as a theory of fragmentation in large organizations, the bureaucratic model of the Soviet political system may have considerable relevance for the study of Western European government as well. |
| This book's introduction to foreign policy analysis focuses on decision makers and decision making. Each chapter is organised around puzzles and questions to which undergraduates can relate. The book emphasizes the importance of individuals in foreign policy decision making, while also placing decision makers within their context. | This book's introduction to foreign policy analysis focuses on decision makers and decision making. Each chapter is organised around puzzles and questions to which undergraduates can relate. The book emphasizes the importance of individuals in foreign policy decision making, while also placing decision makers within their context. | This book's introduction to foreign policy analysis focuses on decision makers and decision making. Each chapter is organised around puzzles and questions to which undergraduates can relate. The book emphasizes the importance of individuals in foreign policy decision making, while also placing decision makers within their context. |
| The book examines the problems that plague contemporary American democracy. Written from the standpoint of Democratic theory, and from a progressive point of view, the book explores different facets of American Democratic culture and its various deficits – deficits that can lead to the crippling of Democratic politics. | The book examines the problems that plague contemporary american democracy. Written from the standpoint of democratic theory, and from a progressive point of view, the book explores different facets of american democratic culture and its various deficits – deficits that can lead to the crippling of democratic politics. | The book examines the problems that plague contemporary American democracy. written from the standpoint of democratic theory, and from a progressive point of view, the book EXPLORES different facets of American Democratic culture and its various deficits – deficits that can lead to the crippling of democratic politics. |
| It was in the early summer of 1906 that violet bonham carter first met winston churchill: an encounter which left an "indelible im pression" Upon her. "i found myself," she recalled, sitting next to this young man who seemed to me quite different from any other young man i had ever met. For a long time he remained sunk in abstraction. Then he appeared to become aware of my existence. He turned on me A lowering gaze and Asked me Abruptly how old I was. I replied that i was nineteen. "and i," he said almost despairingly, "am thirty-two already. Younger than anyone else who counts, though," he added, as if to comfort himself. Then savagely: "curse ruthless time! Curse our own mortality! How cruelly short Is the allotted span for all we must cram into it!" And he burst forth into an eloquent diatribe On the shortness of human life, the immensity of possible human accomplishment - A theme so well exploited by the poets, prophets and philosophers of all ages that it might seem difficult to invest it with a new life and startling significance. Yet for me he did so, in a torrent of magnificent language which appeared to be both effortless and inexhaustible and ended up with the words i shall always remember: "we are all worms. But i do believe that i am a glow worm. | It was in the early summer of 1906 that violet Bonham Carter first met Winston Churchill: an encounter which left an "indelible im pression" Upon her. "i found myself," she recalled, sitting next to this young man who seemed to me quite different from any other young man i had ever met. For a long time he remained sunk in abstraction. Then he appeared to become aware of my existence. He turned on me A lowering gaze and Asked me Abruptly how old I was. I replied that i was nineteen. "and i," he said almost despairingly, "am thirty-two already. Younger than anyone else who counts, though," he added, as if to comfort himself. Then savagely: "curse ruthless time! Curse our own mortality! How cruelly short Is the allotted span for all we must cram into it!" And he burst forth into an eloquent diatribe On the shortness of human life, the immensity of possible human accomplishment - A theme so well exploited by the poets, prophets and philosophers of all ages that it might seem difficult to invest it with a new life and startling significance. Yet for me he did so, in a torrent of magnificent language which appeared to be both effortless and inexhaustible and ended up with the words i shall always remember: "we are all worms. But i do believe that i am a glow worm. | It was in the early summer of 1906 that Violet Bonham Carter first met Winston Churchill: an encounter which left an "indelible Im Pression" upon her. "I found myself," she recalled, sitting next to this young man who seemed to me quite different from any other young man I had ever met. for a long time he remained sunk in abstraction. Then he appeared to become aware of my existence. He turned on me a lowering gaze and asked me abruptly how old I was. I replied that I was nineteen. "and I," he said almost despairingly, "am thirty-two already. younger than anyone else who counts, though," he added, as if to comfort himself. Then savagely: "curse ruthless time! curse our own mortality! how cruelly short is the allotted span for all we must Cram into it!" and he burst forth into an eloquent Diatribe on the shortness of human life, the immensity of possible human accomplishment - a theme so well exploited by the poets, prophets and philosophers of all ages that it might seem difficult to invest it with a new life and startling significance. Yet for me he did so, in a torrent of magnificent language which appeared to be both effortless and inexhaustible and ended up with the words I shall always remember: "We are all worms. But I do believe that I am a glow worm. |
| It was in the early summer of 1906 that violet bonham carter first met winston churchill: an encounter which left an "indelible im pression" Upon her. "i found myself," she recalled, sitting next to this young man who seemed to me quite different from any other young man i had ever met. For a long time he remained sunk in abstraction. Then he appeared to become aware of my existence. He tumed on me A lowering gaze and Asked me Abruptly how old I was. I replied that i was nineteen. Hand i," he said almost despairingly, "am thirty-two already. Younger than anyone else who counts, though," he added, as if to comfort himself. Then savagely: "curse ruthless time! Curse our own mortality! How cruelly short Is the allotted span for all we must cram into it!" And he burst forth into an eloquent diatribe On the shortness of human life, the immensity of possible human accomplishment - A theme so well exploited by the poets, prophets and philosophers of all ages that it might seem difficult to invest it with a new life and startling significance. Yet for me he did so, in a torrent of magnificent language which appeared to be both effortless and inexhaustible and ended up with the words i shall always 1 remember: "we are all worms. But i do believe that i am a glow worm. | It was in the early summer of 1906 that violet Bonham Carter first met Winston Churchill: an encounter which left an "indelible im pression" Upon her. "i found myself," she recalled, sitting next to this young man who seemed to me quite different from any other young man i had ever met. For a long time he remained sunk in abstraction. Then he appeared to become aware of my existence. He tumed on me A lowering gaze and Asked me Abruptly how old I was. I replied that i was nineteen. Hand i," he said almost despairingly, "am thirty-two already. Younger than anyone else who counts, though," he added, as if to comfort himself. Then savagely: "curse ruthless time! Curse our own mortality! How cruelly short Is the allotted span for all we must cram into it!" And he burst forth into an eloquent diatribe On the shortness of human life, the immensity of possible human accomplishment - A theme so well exploited by the poets, prophets and philosophers of all ages that it might seem difficult to invest it with a new life and startling significance. Yet for me he did so, in a torrent of magnificent language which appeared to be both effortless and inexhaustible and ended up with the words i shall always 1 remember: "we are all worms. But i do believe that i am a glow worm. | It was in the early summer of 1906 that Violet Bonham Carter first met Winston Churchill: an encounter which left an "indelible Im Pression" upon her. "I found myself," she recalled, sitting next to this young man who seemed to me quite different from any other young man I had ever met. for a long time he remained sunk in abstraction. Then he appeared to become aware of my existence. He Tumed on me a lowering gaze and asked me abruptly how old I was. I replied that I was nineteen. hand I," he said almost despairingly, "am thirty-two already. younger than anyone else who counts, though," he added, as if to comfort himself. Then savagely: "curse ruthless time! curse our own mortality! how cruelly short is the allotted span for all we must Cram into it!" and he burst forth into an eloquent Diatribe on the shortness of human life, the immensity of possible human accomplishment - a theme so well exploited by the poets, prophets and philosophers of all ages that it might seem difficult to invest it with a new life and startling significance. Yet for me he did so, in a torrent of magnificent language which appeared to be both effortless and inexhaustible and ended up with the words I shall always 1 remember: "We are all worms. But I do believe that I am a glow worm. |
| Since the collapse of The Soviet Union, regional conflicts in the caucasus have threatened to deny western access to the vital oil and gas reserves the world will need in the twenty‐first century. At times, these violent conflicts have blocked the transit routes to the west for Caspian and Central Asian oil and gas. Consequently, current conflicts in the caucasus are affecting oil politics and transit routes to the world market. Furthermore, ethnic tensions and complex conflicts have elevated any other security threats lurking on the horizon. Long‐term stability in the caucasus is, hence, crucial not only to nation‐building efforts, but also to regional and international security. | Since the collapse of the soviet union, regional conflicts in the caucasus have threatened to deny western access to the vital oil and gas reserves the world will need in the twenty‐first century. At times, these violent conflicts have blocked the transit routes to the west for caspian and central asian oil and gas. Consequently, current conflicts in the caucasus are affecting oil politics and transit routes to the world market. Furthermore, ethnic tensions and complex conflicts have elevated any other security threats lurking on the horizon. Long‐Term stability in the caucasus is, hence, crucial not only to nation‐building efforts, but also to regional and international security. | Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, regional conflicts in the Caucasus have threatened to deny Western access to the vital oil and gas reserves the world will need in the Twenty‐First century. At times, these violent conflicts have blocked the transit routes to the West for Caspian and central Asian oil and gas. Consequently, current conflicts in the Caucasus are affecting oil politics and transit routes to the world market. Furthermore, ethnic tensions and complex conflicts have elevated any other security threats lurking on the horizon. Long‐Term stability in the Caucasus is, hence, crucial not only to Nation‐Building efforts, but also to regional and international security. |
| A description of the contemporary Russian economy on the basis of an analysis of economic policy-making structures and procedures. The empirical detail is concentrated in the heavy industry sector, Although the relationships between all sectors receive attention. All sources of policy-making input are examined - the presidency and central governmental agencies, sectoral state agencies, industrial representative associations, parliament and the regions, and individual enterprises. Policy-making procedures receive considerable attention, as part of an effort to distinguish sharply between formal and informal styles of policy making. | A description of the contemporary russian economy on the basis of an analysis of economic policy-making structures and procedures. The empirical detail is concentrated in the heavy industry sector, Although the relationships between all sectors receive attention. All sources of policy-making input are examined - the presidency and central governmental agencies, sectoral state agencies, industrial representative associations, parliament and the regions, and individual enterprises. Policy-making procedures receive considerable attention, as part of an effort to distinguish sharply between formal and informal styles of policy making. | A description of the contemporary Russian economy on the basis of an analysis of economic policy-making structures and procedures. The empirical detail is concentrated in the heavy industry sector, although the relationships between all sectors receive attention. All sources of policy-making input are examined - the Presidency and central governmental agencies, Sectoral state agencies, industrial representative associations, Parliament and the regions, and individual enterprises. policy-making procedures receive considerable attention, as part of an effort to distinguish sharply between formal and informal styles of policy making. |
| A prominent British economist reviews the recent growth, partner-country composition, and sector composition of foreign direct investment in and out of Russia from a comparative international perspective, based on unctad and central bank of Russia data As well as selected case studies. Two hypotheses are tested: that foreign policy significantly affects the host-country pattern of Russia's outward foreign direct investment (ofdi) and that domestic institutions significantly impact the host-country pattern of Russia's ofdi and the sectoral pattern of its inward foreign direct investment (Ifdi). Quantitative evidence of foreign-policy influence Could not be found, while domestic institutional influences Do appear to be present, most notably in the form of system-escaping ofdi. | A prominent british economist reviews the recent growth, partner-country composition, and sector composition of foreign direct investment in and out of Russia from a comparative international perspective, based on Unctad and central bank of Russia data As well as selected case studies. Two hypotheses are tested: that foreign policy significantly affects the host-country pattern of Russia's outward foreign direct investment (ofdi) and that domestic institutions significantly impact the host-country pattern of Russia's ofdi and the sectoral pattern of its inward foreign direct investment (ifdi). Quantitative evidence of foreign-policy influence Could not be found, while domestic institutional influences Do appear to be present, most notably in the form of system-escaping ofdi. | A prominent British economist reviews the recent growth, Partner-Country composition, and sector composition of foreign direct investment in and out of Russia from a comparative International perspective, based on UNCTAD and central bank of Russia data as well as selected case studies. Two hypotheses are tested: that foreign policy significantly affects the Host-Country pattern of Russia's outward foreign direct investment (Ofdi) and that domestic institutions significantly impact the Host-Country pattern of Russia's Ofdi and the Sectoral pattern of its inward foreign direct investment (Ifdi). quantitative evidence of foreign-policy influence could not be found, while domestic institutional influences do appear to be present, most notably in the form of System-Escaping Ofdi. |